11. Verbs : Generality

11.1. Aspects

11.2. Tenses

11.3. Persons

11.4. Numbers

11.5. Moods

11.6. Stem-initial vowels

11.7. Preverbs

11.8. Affirmation and negation

11.9. Interrogation

11.10. Affix concatenation within verb complex

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[See the chapter 12. for the classification of verbs. Each category of verbs corresponds to a specific construction.]

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◘◘◘ Passive voice ◘◘◘

The Laz language has ergative construction in all tenses and aspects (→ 12., 13.). Therefore there is no passive voice in Laz like in languages without ergative construction.

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11.1. Aspects

11.1.1. Indicative imperfective markers (Mood-and-aspect markers)

11.1.2. Tense-and-aspect markers

Morphologically, two verbal aspects are distinguished in Laz : imperfective and perfective.

Imperfective forms express, according to the category, the mood and the tense of verb, « present durative action or present state »

« iterative action »

« general truth »

« future-in-past »

etc

Perfective forms express, according to the category, the mood and the tense of verb,

« action which is realized once in the past »

« action which has been realized »

« action which will be realized once in the future »

« present state resulting from an action »

etc

● All aspect markers are polyvalent in Laz : there are mood-and-aspect markers and tense-and-aspect markers.

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11.1.1. Indicative imperfective markers (Mood-and-aspect markers)

If a Laz verb has only one stem, the latter is followed by a “post-stem” (→ 11.1.1.1.) in

indicative imperfective. A contrario, absence of post-stem, in indicative mood, is the mark of perfective aspect.

A few exceptions are observed : see “One-stemmed verbs without post-stem” (→ 11.1.1.2.).

Some categories of verbs are always imperfective (→ 12.).

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11.1.1.1. Post-stems

Post-stems are devided into five groups according to their morphology. The representative forms are as follows :

[A] -am, -em, -im, -om, -um

[B] -er, -ur

[C] -omer (West) ~ -umer (Centre・East)

[D] -umer (Centre)(HP) ~ -umar (ÇX)

[E] -um (West)(Centre) ~ -umer (HP) ~ -ar (ÇX)

(A-1) Sole {-am} and {-um}(*) are observed in all dialects.

(*) Regional variants : {-ap} and {-up} in Hopa and Çxala, with

combinatory variants {-ap’} and {-up’} before ejective consonants.

(A-2) {-em} is rare. It nevertheless appears regularly in causative verbs which are formed with the suffix {-ap-}(→ 12.5.2.) in the dialects of Pilarget etc in Arhavi. It corresponds to {-am} ~ {-ap} in other dialects.

(A-3) {-om} is often observed in central dialects. It corresponds generally to {-um} ~ {-up} in other dialects.

Exception : z*iroms (FN)(AH) (see) corresponds to z*irams (PZ), zirams (AŞ)(*),z*i(r)ops (HP).

(*) Oppositon between /z*/ and /z/ exists rarely in the dialects of Ardeşen.

(B) The variants {-e} and {-u} are very often observed in central and eastern dialects where the phoneme /r/ after vowel has a great tendency to disappear.

(C) Sole example : u3’omers (West), u3’umers (Centre)(East) (tell to s.o. definite)

(D) Ex. : çumers (Centre)(HP), çumars (ÇX) (wait)

(E) Ex : dodums (West)(Centre), dodumers (HP), dodvars (ÇX) (put)

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Some stems with and without post-stem :

[A] -ç- / -çam- ~ -çap- give to eat

-t’ax- / -t’axum- ~ -t’axup- break

[B] -mt’- / -mt’er- run away, escape

-putx-/ -putxur- fly

[C] -3’v-(*) tell to a determined person (***)

/ -3’omer- (West) ~ -3’umer- (Centre・East)

[D] -çv- (*) / -çumer- (Centre)(HP) ~ çumar- (ÇX) wait

[E] -dv- (*) / -dum- (West)(Centre) ~ -dumer- (HP) ~ -dvar- (ÇX) put

(*) The phoneme /v/ after consonant disapppears regularly before /u/ in all dialects.

●●● (***) « Say to undetermined persons » is another verb : perfective stem of indicative mood ; {-t’k’v-} ~ {-tkv-}. The representative form (indicative imperfective present 3^rd person singular) of this verb is it’urs (West) ~ zop’ons (Centre) ~ tkumers (HP) ~ tkumars (ÇX).

(This is a three-stemmed verb in western dialects : the stem of potential, impersonal and experiential moods is {-zit’-}.)

For the determination of beneficiary of action, see the sub-chapter 11.6. (pre-stem vowels).

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11.1.1.2. One-stemmed verbs without post-stem

-bir- (West)  play

-bir- (Centre・East) sing

-gzal- (Centre・East) go, leave (1)

-mç’im- rain (2)

-ncir-  sleep (West)

lie down ; sleep (Centre・East)

-nçir- (West) ~ -mçvir- (Centre・East) swim (3)

-orom- (Centre) ~ -x’orop- (Est) love (4)

-ster- (Centre・Est) play

-xel- (Centre・Est)  be glad (5)

(1) The same root exists in western dialects with semantic and morphological difference. It has two meanings : “walk” and “go, leave”. It forms a verb fluctuating between one-stemmedness and multi-stemmedness. There are two forms of stem in fluctuation in indicative imperfective : {-gzar-} and {-gzalam-}. But there is only one form of perfective stem : {-gzal-}.

(2) In the dialects of Çxala, the stem of the verb “rain” is with post-stem. In indicative, the imperfective stem is {-mç’vip-}, while the perfective stem is {-mç’v-}.

(3) The variant {-nçvir-} is observed in central and eastern dialects.

(4) This verb “love” has no perfective form. The comparison with regional forms of the stem of a verb being derived from the same root (*) permits to deduce that the last two phonemes of the stem {-x’orop-} do not form a post-stem. The form {-orom-}, observed in central dialects, results from double phonetic evolution : disparition of the phoneme /x’/ and transformation of /p/ in /m/ on the analogy of other verbs because there is never /p/ at the final of verb in these dialects (→ 22. Phonemics).

(*) An evolutional verb (→ 12.3., 13.3.) meaning “fall in love with”

In western dialects, the verb “love” is a stative verb having the potential-like structure. See Potential mood (→ 11.5.) and Stative verbs (→ 12.2., 13.2.).

(5) In central and eastern dialects, there are two forms of imperfective stem of this verb in fluctuation : {-ixel-} without post-stem and {-ixelam-} with post-stem.

In western dialects, the imperfective stem of the verb “be glad” has only one form with post-stem : {-ixelam-}.

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11.1.1.3. Multi-stemmed verbs

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11.1.1.3.1. Multi-stemmed verbs with unique root

« look »

Perfective stem of indicative mood:

-3’er- (PZ)(*) ~ -3’ed- (AŞ) ~ -3’k’ed- (Centre・East)

Imperfective stem of indicative mood :

-3’er- (West) ~ -3’k’er- (Centre・East)

Stem of potential and experiential moods (→ 11.5.) :

-3’elim/3’olim - (PZ) ~ -3’omil- (AŞ) ~ -3’k’omil- (Centre・East)

(*) In Pazar, there is only one form of stem in indicative mood.

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11.1.1.3.2. Multi-rooted verbs

[a two-rooted verb] « eat » (*)

Perfective stem of indicative mood :

-şk’om-(West) ~ -ç’k’om- (Centre・East)

Imperfective stem of indicative mood :

-mxor-(West)(FN) ~ -mpxor- (FN-a part) ~ -pxor- (AH) ~ -mxor- (HP)

(*) Verb with unique root in Çxala. The stem is {-ç’k’om-}.

[a three-rooted verb] « do »

Perfective stem of indicative mood :

-ø- (= nul)(***) ~ -v- (Centre) ~ -x’v- (East)

Imperfective stem of indicative mood :

-kum- (West) ~ -kom- (Centre) ~ -kip- (East)

Stem of the other moods (→ 11.5.) :

-xin- ~ -xen- (West) ~ -xen- (Centre) ~ -xven- (East)

(***) This is not the only no-rooted verb (!!) (→ 13.9. Irregular verbs).

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11.1.1.3.3. Two-rooted verb having only one stem in indicative mood

-bgar- ~ -mgar- (HP) weep

The verb “weep” is two-rooted : { -bgarin-} ~ {-mgarin-} in potentiel, impersonal and experiential moods (→ 11.5.2.1.1.C). But, in indicative mood, there is only one stem for two aspects.

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11.1.2. Tense-and-aspect markers

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11.1.2.1. {-t’-}

The « recollection-expectation » marker {-t’-} (= non-present tense marker) is, in the same time, one of imperfective aspect markers. See the subject « Tenses » (→ 11.2.2.).

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11.1.2.2. {-n}

The morpheme {-n} is a quadruple marker with three facets.

First facet : it is the marker of imperfective aspect, present tense, 3^rd person and singular

in indicative mood of certain number of actional verbs.

Second facet : it is the marker of imperfective aspect, présent tense, singular and the « suprapersonality »

in potential mood (→ 11.5., 13.5.) of actional verbs,

in experiential mood (→ 11.5., 13.7.) of actional verbs,

in indicative mood of a great number of stative verbs (→ 12.2., 13.2.),

and in indicative mood of evolutional verbs (→ 12.3., 13.3.).

Third facet : it is the marker of imperfective aspect, present tense, indetermined number and impersonality

in impersonal mood (→ 11.5. 13.6.) of actional verbs.

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11.2. Tenses

11.2.1. Present tense and past tense markers

11.2.2. « Recollection-expectation » marker = non-present tense marker

The fundamental tenses in Laz are the present and the past.

●●● Future tenses in Laz are derived from optative mood (→ 11.5.).

See the chapter “Verbs : Conjugation” (→ 13.) for compound tenses like pluperfect and “auditive past”.

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11.2.1. Present tense and past tense markers 

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11.2.1.1. Present tense markers

Present tense markers are polyvalent in Laz : they mark the person in the same time, and most of them mark also the number.

Persons (→ 11.3.) and numbers (→ 11.4.) are described in their respective sub-chapter. We begin here by presenting the markers of “present tense 3^rd person singular” which are suffixed to the imperfective stem of actional verbs in indicative mood :

{-n} after the post-stems {-er} and {-ur}(***),

{-s} in all other case.

(***) Consonant group /rn/ is intolerable at the final of the word in Laz. In all dialects, {-er- + -n} and {-ur- + -n} are realised respectively in the form of {-en} and {-un}.

● Imperfective present expresses

« general truth, habit, iterative action »

« action being realized in the present » and

« present state » (*).

(*) Affirmation profixes mark sometimes the iterative action (→ 11.8.2.3., 11.8.2.4. ).

●●● In Laz, there is no morphological difference between « present tense » and « present progressive tense » like in English.

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The vowels {i-}, {o-} and {u-}, which are indicated in bold letters at the initial of certain number of verbs shown below, are pre-stems (→ 11.6.).

(The initial vowel of the verb oroms, in non-bold letters, is not one of them.)

(***)

çams ~ çaps　 he gives to eat ; he is giving to eat

t’axums ~ t’axups he breaks ; he is breaking

imt’en (1) he runs away ; he is running away

putxun (*) (1) it flies ; it is flying

u3’omers ~ u3’umers he tells to a determined person ; he is telling to ~

o3’k’en ~ o3’k’ers (Centre・East)(2) he looks ; he is looking

imxors ~ ipxors ~ imxors (3) he eats ; he is eating

ikums ~ ikoms ~ ikips he does ; he is doing

ibgars ~ imgars (HP) he weeps ; he is weeping

ibirs (West) he plays ; he is playing

ibirs (Centre・East) he sings ; he is singing

igzars (West) [1] he walks ; he is walking

[2] he goes, he leaves ; he is going, he is leaving

igzals (Centre・East)　 he goes, he leaves ; he is going, he is leaving

mç’ims ~ mç’vips (ÇX)(4) (it) rains ; (it) is raining

incirs (West) he sleeps ; he is sleeping

incirs (Centre・East) [1] he lies down ; he is lying down 

[2] he sleeps ; he is sleeping

inçirs ~ imçvirs (5) he swims ; he is swimming

oroms (Centre) ~ x’orops (East) he loves

isten ~ isters (Centre・East) (6) he plays ; he is playing

ixels (Centre・East) (7) he is glad

(***) There is no gender in Laz. We do not write systematically “he, she or it”.

(*) cun (it is flying) in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin- M3’anu ;

jun (it is flying) in the dialects of Ardeşen- Jilen-Mzğem where the opposition exists between /j/ and /c/.

(1) [imt’er- + -n > imt’en], [putxur- + -n > putxun]

(2) Very often o3’k’en in Fındıklı. The forms no3’ers /no3’en (PZ) ~ no3’en (AŞ), beginning by a preverb (→ 11.7., 19.), correspond to it in western dialects.

(3)

(3-1) The same form is observed in western dialects and in Hopa.

(3-2) The variant impxors is observes in certain villages in Fındıklı.

(3-3) This verb has only one stem in the dialects of Çxala where the form of indicative imperfective present 3^rd person singular is ç’k’omups.

(4) The subject of this verb is mç’ima (= the rain). The whole sentence is mç’ima mç’ims (PZ)(FN)(AH)(HP) ~ mç’ima mç’iy (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ mç’vima mç’vips (ÇX).

(5) The form imçfirs is often heard instead of imçvirs. The phoneme /v/ after consonant can be voiced [v] or voiceless [f]. They are free variants. Another variant inçvirs is observed, too.

(6) Very often isten in Fındıklı.

(7) Also ixelams, with post-stem.

Only ixelams in western dialects.

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[Regional phonetic variants]

● (PZ) In the dialects of Pazar, consonant groups /-ms/ and /-rs/ at the end of verb are often replaced by /-y/. The group /-rs/ may also be pronounced /-s/ (ex.: imxos, incis).

●●● (ÇM)(AŞ) In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen (except at Dutxe), consonant groups /-ms/ and /-rs/ at the end of verb are prononced only in interrogative forms. They are replaced regularly, in assertive forms, by /y/ (after /a/, /o/ and /u/) and by /y/ or /ø [= nul]/ (after /e/ and /i/).

Interrogative forms :

çams-i, t’axums-i, u3’omers-i, imxors-i, ikums-i, ibgars-i, ibirs-i, igzars-i, igzalams-i, mç’i(m)s-i, incirs-i, inçirs-i, ixelams-i

The morpheme {-i} is interrogation marker (→ 11.9.).

Assertive forms :

çay ~ çams (*), t’axuy, u3’ome(y), imxoy, ikuy, ibgay, ibi(y), igzalay, igzay, mç’i(y), inci(y), inçi(y), ixelay

(*) Sometimes çams, maybe in order to avoid the homonymity with çay (= tea).

●●● (AŞ- Dutxe) In the dialects of Dutxe, in assertive forms, consonant groups /-ms/ and /-rs/ at the end of verb are followed by epithetic vowel /-u /: ex.: çamsu, t’axumsu, imxorsu ...... etc. The phoneme /m/ disappears often before /-su/. In this case the lengthning of the precedent vowel is observed : ikumsu becomes iku(u)su; and mç’imsu, mç’i(i)su.

■ The epithetic vowel is inaccented. Its presence does not change the place of accent of the word.

● (Centre・East) In central and eastern dialects, the phoneme /r/ disappears very often before /-s/ at the end of word (ex.: u3’umes, ibgas).

But the weakening of /r/ is not observed in the dialects spoken at Pilarget, Sidere, Jin-Napşit etc.

■ Interrogation marker {-i} belongs to the verb complex and is pronounced without caesura with what precedes it. But it is « independent » concerning the prosody. It has its own accent and is pronounced always with falling tone.

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11.2.1.2. Past tense markers

Past tense markers are polyvalent in Laz like present tense markers : they mark the person in the same time, and most of them mark also the number.

Persons (→ 11.3.) and numbers (→ 11.4.) are described in their respective sub-chapter. WE begin here by presenting the markers of past tense 3^rd person singular which are suffixed to the perfective stem of actional verbes in indicatifve mood :

The marker of past tense 3^rd person singular is {-u} in imperfective as well as in perfective aspect. (***)

(***) The morpheme {-u} is marker of past tense, singular and suprapersonality

in potential mood (→ 11.5., 13.5.) of actional verbs,

in experiential mood (→ 11.5., 13.7.) of actional verbs,

in indicative mood of most of stative verbs (→ 12.2., 13.2.),

and in indicative mood of evolutional verbs (→ 12.3., 13.3.).

It is also marker of past tense, indetermined number and impersonality

in impersonal mood (→ 11.5. 13.6.) of acional verbs.

The simple perfective expresses :

« action which is accomplished before one’s eyes »

« action which was accomplished once in the past »

« action which was nearly accomplished il the past »

etc

See the sub-chapters of « Evolutional verbs » for their perfective aspect (→ 12.3., 13.3.).

●●● In Laz, there is no morphological difference between “past tense” and “present perfect tense” like in English.

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(***)

çu he gave to eat ; he has given to eat

t’axu he broke ; he has broken

imt’u he ran away ; he has run away

putxu it flied ; it has flied away

u3’u he told to a determined person ;

he has told to a determined person

o3’k’edu (Centre・East)(1) he looked ; he has looked

şk’omu (West) ~ ç’k’omu (Centre・East)(2) he ate ; he has eaten

u (West) ~ vu (Centre) ~ x’u (East) (3) he did ; he has done

ibgaru ~ imgaru (HP) he wept ; he has wept

ibiru (West) he played ; he has played

ibiru (Centre・East) he sang ; he has sung

igzalu (West) [1] he walked ; he has walked

[2] he left ; he has left

igzalu (Centre・East) he left ; he has left

mç’imu (West, Centre, HP) ~ mç’u (ÇX) (it) rained ; (it) has rained

inciru (West) he slept ; he has slept

inciru (Centre・East) [1] he lay down ; he has lain down

[2] he slept ; he has slept

inçiru ~ imçviru ~ inçviru he swimmed ; he has swimmed

isteru (Centre・East) he played ; he has played

ixelu he was delighted ; he is delighted

(***) There is no gender in Laz. We do not write systematically “he, she or it”.

(1) In western dialects, no3’eru (PZ) ~ no3’edu (AŞ) with preverb (→ 11.7., 19.).

(2) Also oşk’omu ~ oç’k’omu with affirmation profix (→ 11.8.). (*)

(3) The stem is {-x’v-} in eastern dialects. The phoneme /v/ after consonant disappears regularly before /u/ in all dialects.

(4) Also domç’imu ~ domç’u (ÇX) with affirmation profix (→ 11.8.). (*)。

■(*) Accentuation rules change in the presence of profix (→ 11.8.).

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11.2.2. « Recollection-expectation » marker {-t’-} = non-present tense marker

The morpheme {-t’-}, imperfective-and-non-présent marker, is always followed by one of « past tense (-and-person) markers » or the « optative mood marker ».

{-t’-} + past tense marker = imperfective past tense

{-t’-} + optative mood marker = imperfective optative mood

See the sub-chapter of Moods (→ 11.5.). Future tenses of the verb of existence and most of stative verbs derive from imperfective optative, while those of actional verbs and some of stative verbs derive from perfective optative.

Imperfective past tense expresses principally

« durative action or state in the past »

« iterative action in the past »,

et also, in the dialects of Arhavi,

« future-in-the-past ».

(Other dialects have specific forms of futur-in-the-past ». → 11.5.1.2.3., 13.4.)

Forms of simple perfective 3^rd person singular are shown below.

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(*)(**)

çamt’u ~ çap’t’u he was giving to eat

t’axumt’u ~ t’axup’t’u he was breaking

imt’ert’u he was running away

putxurt’u (1) he was flying

u3’omert’u ~ u3’umert’u he was telling to a determined person

o3’k’ert’u (Centre・East)(2) he was looking

imxort’u ~ ipxort’u he was eating

ikumt’u ~ ikomt’u ~ ikip’t’u (3) he was doing

ibgart’u ~ imgart’u he was weeping

ibirt’u (West) he was playing

ibirt’u (Centre・East) he was singing

igzalt’u (Centre・East) he was going, he was leaving

igzart’u (West) he was walking ; he was leaving

mç’imt’u ~ mç’vip’t’u (3) (it) was rainig

incirt’u (West) he was sleeping

incirt’u (Centre・East) he was lying down ; he was sleeping

inçirt’u ~ imçvirt’u ~ inçvirt’u he was swimming

oromt’u ~ x’orop’t’u (3) he loved

istert’u he was playing

ixelt’u he was glad

(*) There is no gender in Laz. We do not write systematically “he, she or it”.

(**) Here we did not give the translation corresponding to the meaning in future-in-the-past which is observed in the dialects of Arhavi.

(1) curt’u at Çamlıhemşin- M3’anu ;

jurt’u at Ardeşen- Jilen-Mzğem.

(2) no3’ert’u in the western dialects.

(3) Voiceless plosives /p/, /t/, /3/, /ç/ and /k/ before ejective consonant become ejectives /p’/, /t’/, /3’/, /ç’/ and /k’/ in all dialects.

■ The syllable {-t’u} including the non-present tense marker {-t’-} (=recollection-expectation marker) is inaccented and its presence does not change the place of accent of the word.

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11.3. Persons

11.3.1. Person markers having only one function

11.3.2. Multi-functional person markers

Laz verbs are « impersonal », « monopersonal » or « bipersonal » according to their category (→ 12.) and mood (→ 11.5.). Bipersonal verbs agree with the subject and the beneficiary or with the subject and the principal complement.

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11.3.1. Person markers having only one function

11.3.1.1. Anteposed person markers I  : {b-}{ø-}{ø-}

11.3.1.2. Anteposed person markers II : {m-}{g-}{ø-}

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11.3.1.1. Anteposed person markers I : {b-}{ø-}{ø-}

Representative forms :

b- (***) : 1^st person

ø- [nul]  : 2^nd person

ø- [nul]  : 3^rd person

Anteposed person markers {b-}{ø-}{ø-} are prefixed to the pre-stem (→ 11.6.). They indicate the person of the complement in a small number of evolutional verbs (→ 12.3.), and the person of the subject in all other cases.

●●● (***) There are many variants of the 1^st person marker {b-}.

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11.3.1.1.1. Variants of {b-} before consonant

b-  : before voiced consonants d, z*, c, g ; v, z, j, ğ ; l, r, y

p-  : before voiceless consonants t, 3, ç, k ; f, s, ş, x (*)

p’-  : before ejective consonants t’, 3’, ç’, k’; x’

ø- (1) : before bilabial consonants b, p, p’, m

(m-) (2) : if the stem begins by /n + consonant/

b- (3) : if the stem begins by /n + vowel/

(f-) ~ (p-)  (4) : if the stem begins by /xt’/(West) ~ /xt/(Centre・East)

ex. b- : (ğurun) bğurur I die ; I am dying

(zop’ons) bzop’on I say (Centre); I tell a tale (East)

ex. p- : (çams ~ çaps) pçam ~ pçap I give to eat ; I am giving to eat

(şums ~ şups)  pşum ~ pşup I drink ; I am drinking

ex. p’- : (ç’arums ~ ç’arups) p’ç’ari I wrote ; I have written (Centre・East)

(x’orops) p’x’orop I love (East)

(1) In the dialects of Pazar, the 1^st person marker {b-} appears as an infix in the middle of the stem (→ 13.9. Irregular verbs).

ex. : (putxun) {b-} + putxur > puptxur (PZ)(*) I fly ; I am flying

(*) putxur in other dialects

(2) Si {b-} + /n + consonant/ , {b-} + n > m

ex. : (ncaxums ~ ncaxups) {b-} + ncaxum > mcaxum I forge ; I am forging

ex. : (nç’arums) (West) {b-} + nç’arum > mç’arum I write ; I am writing

(3) Examples of {b-} + /n + vowel/ are rare.

[In the examples shown below,

the morphemes {go-} and {ok’o-} are preverbs (→11.7., 19.)]

ex. gobnorum I rinse ; I am rinsing

ex. ok’obnağuri (Centre・East)(*) I fainted away

(*) cf (AŞ-Ok’ordule) ok’obrağuni I fainted away

(4) If {b-} + /xt/ or /xt’/ , {b-} + x > f ~ p

[The morpheme {mo-} is a preverb (→ 11.7., 19.).]

moft’i < mo- + {b-} + xt’i (West) I came ; I have come

mofti < mo- + {b-} + xti (FN- a part)

mopti < mo- + {b-} + xti (FN- a part)(AH)(East)

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11.3.1.1.2. Variants of {b-} before vowel

In principle,

v- : in Pazar, Çamlıhemşin, Ardeşen-west

b- : in Ardeşen-east, Fındıklı, Arhavi

v- : in Hopa, Çxala

ex. : vimt’er ~ bimt’er ~ vimt’er I run away ; I am running away

vibgar ~ bibgar ~ vimgar I weep ; I am weeping

Exceptionally,

p’-  (*) : before /x’/ and /x’v/ lost during historical phonetic evolution

(*) Comparative studies on actual Laz dialects permit, sometimes, to reach a persuasive conclusion concerning phonetic evolution of the language before it was written. Regular verbs having the stem beginning by /x’/ in eastern dialects became irregular or were replaced by other words in western and central dialects which lost this phoneme.

Some examples :

[Arhavi] [Hopa]

p’azum p’x’azup I plane ; I am planing

p’orom p’x’orop I love

p’ilom p’x’vilup I wound ; I am wounding

p’uram (1) p’x’urap (2) I cry ; I am crying

(1) urams : (AH) (subject : female) she cries ; she is crying

cf. mğorams : (subject : male) he cries ; he is crying

(2) x’uraps : (HP)(subject : male or female) he or she cries ; he or she is crying

●●● In eastern dialects also, there are some cases of combination /p’ + vowel/ which should result from the disparition of /x’v / (→ 13.9. Irregular verbs).

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11.3.1.2. Anteposed person markers II : {m-}{g-}{ø-}

Representative forms:

m- : 1^st person

g- : 2^nd person

ø- [nul]  : 3^rd person

Anteposed person markers II {m-}{g-}{ø-} are prefixed to the pre-stem, i.e. they take the same place as the anteposed person markers I {b-}{ø-}{ø-}.

Anteposed person markers II {m-}{g-}{ø-} indicate the person of the subject, the beneficiary or the principal complement according to the category and the mood of the verb :

person of the subject in dative case of « stative verbs with dative subject »

« evolutional verbs »

« actional verbs in potentiel mood »

« actional verbs in experiential mood »

etc

person of the principal complement of « actional transitive verbs in indicative

mood »

etc

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11.3.1.2.1. Variants of anteposed person markers II {m-}{g-}

● The 1^st person marker {m-} is realized under three forms : {m-}{mp’-}{ø-}.

ø- : before nasal bilabial /m/

mp’- : before lost /x’/ and /x’v/ (*)

m-  : in all other cases

● The 2^nd person marker {g-} is realized under four forms : {g-}{k-}{k’-}{ø-}.

ø- : before velar plosives /g/, /k/, /k’/ (**)

k’-  : before ejectives other than /k’/ ;

: before lost /x’/ and /x’v/ (*)

k-  : before voiceless non-ejectives other than /k/

g- : in all other cases

(*) : (West・Centre) before the stem of ilums ~ iloms (wound, kill)

and all verbs derived from it ;

　　(Centre) before the stem of oroms (love) and all verbs derived from it.

(**){g-} appears often as infix in the dialects of Pazar.

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11.3.1.2.2. Use of anteposed person markers II {m-}{g-}{ø-}

[A] çams ~ çaps (give to eat):

(West・Centre) (East)

mçams mçaps : he gives me (something) to eat

kçams kçaps : he gives you (something) to eat

çams çaps : he gives him (something) to eat

kçam kçap : I give you (something) to eat

pçam pçap : I give him (something) to eat

[B] oroms (Centre), x’orops (East) (love)

(Centre) (East)

mp’oroms (*) mx’orops : he loves me

k’oroms k’x’orops : he loves you

oroms x’orops : he loves him (her or it) (***)

(*) When the phoneme /x’/ disappeared, its ejectivity should remain under the form of ejective consonant /p’/ which is homoorganic with /m/.

(***) There is no gender in Laz. We do not write systematically “he, she or it” or “him, her or it”.

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11.3.2. Multi-functional person markers

There are three groups of multi-functional morphemes which mark the person.

11.3.2.1. Postposed person markers I = present tense markers

11.3.2.2. Postposed person markers II = past tense markers

11.3.2.3. Anteposed person markers III = pre-stem {i-/u-}

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11.3.2.1. Postpsed person markers I = present tense markers (→ 11.2.)

● Table of present tense-and-person markers

(See → 11.4. Numbers).

(*){-nan}(**) after /r/; the phoneme /r/ disappears before {-nan} in most of dialects.

(**){-lan} in Çxala

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11.3.2.1.1. Anteposed person marker I (→ 11.3.1.1.)

+ postposed person marker I

= present tense I

(*) and {-nan}~ {-lan}

[A] t’axums ~ t’axups (break) in indicative imperfective present

(West・Centre) sg.　 pl.

1^st pers. p’t’axum p’t’axumt (1)(2)

2^nd pers. t’axum t’axumt (1)(2)

3^rd pers. t’axums (3)(4) t’axuman

(East) sg. pl.

p’t’axup p’t’axupt

t’axup t’axupt

t’axups t’axupan

■ The suffixation of the 3^rd person plural marker {-an} does not change the place of accent of the word. Accent is on the antepenultimate in the forms of 3^rd person plural, and on the penultimate in other forms.

(1) P’t’axumtu and t’axumtu in Çamlıhemşin (except in M3’anu) and in Ardeşen.

But p’t’axumt-i, t’axumt-i in interrogative.

■ The presence of epithetic vowel /-u /, inaccented, does not change the place

of accent.

(2) P’t’axumte and t’axumte in Çamlıhemşin- M3’anu.

But p’t’axumt-i, t’axumt-i in interrogative.

■ The presence of epithetic vowel /-e /, inaccented, does not change the place

of accent.

(3) T’axuy in Çamlıhemşin and in Ardeşen (xecept in Dutxe).

But t’axums-i in interrogative.

(4) T’axumsu ~ t’axusu in Ardeşen- Dutxe (→ 11.2.1.1.).

But t’axums-i ~ t’axus-i in interrogative.

[B] çams ~ çaps (give to eat) in indicative imperfective present

sg. pl.

pçam ~ pçap pçamt ~ pçapt

çam ~ çap çamt ~ çapt

çams ~ çaps çaman ~ çapan

[Regional variants are parallel to those of t’axums ~ t’axups]

[C] imt’en (run away) in indicative imperfective present

sg.　 pl.

vimt’er ~ bimt’er (1) vimt’ert ~ bimt’ert (1)(2)(3)

imt’er (1) imt’ert (1)(2)(3)

imt’en imt’eran ~ imt’enan (4)

(1) Often bimt’e ~ vimt’e, imt’e, bimt’et ~ vimt’et, imt’et.

(2) Vimt’erte, imt’erte in Çamlıhemşin- M3’anu.

(3) Vimt’ertu, imt’ertu in Çamlıhemşin (except in M3’anu) and in Ardeşen-west.

Bimt’ertu, imt’ertu in Ardeşen-east.

(4) İmt’eran is the « logical » form which is observed only in Pazar and in some villages of altitude like M3’anu in Çamlıhemşin and Jilen-Mzğem in Ardeşen.

İmt’enan (and sometimes, imt’ernan) is the variant that is observed the most widely.

● Variant imt’elan is observed in Borçka- Çxala.

[D] ulun (go) in indicative imperfective present

vulur ~ bulur vulurt ~ bulurt

ulur ulurt

ulun uluran ~ ulunan (*)(1)(2)

[Regional variants are parallel to those of other verbs]

(*) Sometimes also ulurnan.

(1) The variant ulvan is observed in Çamlıhemşin, Ardeşen and Hopa- Azlağa. Evolution *uluan > *ulwan > ulvan is possible after disparition of phoneme /r/ of uluran between vowels.

(2) The variant ulan is observed in Çxala.

[E] u3’omers ~ u3’umers (tell to a determined person) in indicative imperfective present

(West)

vu3’omer ~ bu3’omer vu3’omert ~ bu3’omert

u3’omer u3’omert

u3’omers (1) u3’omeran ~ u3’omenan (2)

(Centre・East)

bu3’umer ~ vu3’umer bu3’umert ~ vu3’umert

u3’umer u3’umert

u3’umers u3’umenan ~ u3’umelan (3)

(1) (ÇM)(AŞ) u3’omey; in interrogative u3’omers-i ?

(2) Sometimes u3’omernan

(3) (ÇX) u3’umelan

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11.3.2.1.2. Anteposed person marker (I + II)

+ postposed person marker I

= bipersonal conjugation in present tense I

A great number of Laz verbs accord, in the same time, to the subject (agent) and to the beneficiary or the principal complement. An example of bipersonal conjugation is shown below.

çams ~ çaps (give to eat) in indicative imperfective present

(West・Centre)

(East)

● On the table shown above, the complement in the dative case is singular. See → 11.4.2. for tables with plural complement.

●●● In Laz, nasal consonants /m/ and /n/ at the initial of word are voiceless if they are followed by voiceless consonant.

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11.3.2.1.3. Anteposed person marker II

+ postposed suprapersonal tense marker I

= present tense II

This type of formation concerns

« actional verbs in potentiel mood » (→ 11.5., 13.)

« actional verbs in experiential mood » (→ 11.5., 13.)

« most of stative verbs » (→ 12.2., 13.2.) and

« evolutional verbs » (→ 12.3., 13.3.)

See respective chapters and sub-chapters.

______________________________________________________________________

11.3.2.2. Postposed person markers II = past tense markers (→ 11.2.)

● Table of past tense-and-person markers (See for the number → 11.4.).

(1) (ÇM)(AŞ) Sometimes -itu ~ -ite.

(2) (ÇM)(AŞ) -ey ~ -e in assetive; -es in interrogative.

● in Dutxe, -esu

(3) (FN) Often -ez at the final of sentence and before voiced consonant.

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11.3.2.2.1. Anteposed person marker I

+ postposed person marker II

= past tense I

●●● See the preceding subject (11.3.2.2.) for the regional variants.

[A] t’axums (break) in indicative simple perfective : « I broke ; you broke » etc

sg.　 pl.

1^st pers. p’t’axi p’t’axit

2^nd pers. t’axi t’axit

3^rd pers. t’axu t’axes

[B] çams ~ çaps (give to eat) in indicative simple perfective : « I gave to eat » etc

sg. pl.

1^st pers. pçi pçit

2^nd pers. çi çit

3^rd pers. çu çes

[C] imt’en (run away) in indicative simple perfective : « I ran away » etc

sg.　 pl.

1^st pers. vimt’i ~ bimt’i vimt’it ~ bimt’it

2^nd pers. imt’i imt’it

3^rd pers. imt’u imt’es

[D] ulun (go) (*) in indicative simple perfective : « I went » etc

sg. pl.

1^st pers. vidi ~ bidi vidit ~ bidit

2^nd pers. idi idit

3^rd pers. idu ides

(*) This verb is multi-rooted (→ 13.9.).

[E] u3’omers ~ u3’umers in indicative simple perfective

: « I told to a determined person » etc

sg. pl.

1^st pers. vu3’vi ~ bu3’vi vu3’vit ~ bu3’vit

2^nd pers. u3’vi u3’vit

3^rd pers. u3’u (*) u3’ves

(*) The stem is {-3’v-}. The phoneme /v/ after consonant disappears regularly

before /u/ in all dialects.

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11.3.2.2.2. Anteposed person marker (I + II)

+ postposed person marker II

= bipersonal conjugation in past tense I

çams ~ çaps (give to eat) in indicative simple perfective

● On this table, the complement is in the singular.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

11.3.2.2.3. Anteposed person marker II (→ 11.3.1.2. )

+ suprapersonal tense marker II

= past tense II

This type of formation concerns

« actional verbs in potential mood » (→ 11.5., 13.)

« actional verbs experiential mood » (→ 11.5., 13.)

« most of stative verbs » (→ 12.2., 13.2.) et

« evolutional verbs » (→ 12.3., 13.3.)

See respective chapters and sub-chapters.

______________________________________________________________________

11.3.2.3. Anteposed person markers III = pre-stem {i-/u-}

The pre-stem {i-/u-}(→ 11.6.) has different forms according to the person.

1^st pers. i-

2^nd pers. i-

3^rd pers. u-

The function of pre-stems depends on the category and the mood of the verb. We show here the verb u3’omers ~ u3’umers (tell to a determined person). The pre-stem {i-/u-} indicates that the action is done for a determined person.

The combination with anteposed person markers II{m-}{g-}{ø-} permit to distinguish the 1^st and 2^nd persons.

u3’omers ~ u3’umers in indicative imperfective present : « I tell him » etc

(West)

(Centre・East)

u3’omers ~ u3’umers in indicative simple  perfective: « I told him » etc

(All dialects)

______________________________________________________________________

11.4. Number

11.4.1. Multi-functional number markers

11.4.1.1. {-ø}, {-t}

11.4.1.2. {-s} 

11.4.1.3. {-n}, {-an}

11.4.1.4. {-u}, {-es}

11.4.2. Number markers of beneficiary

______________________________________________________________________

11.4.1. Multi-functional number markers

______________________________________________________________________

11.4.1.1. {-ø}, {-t}

As we saw in the preceding subject (11.3. Persons), the forms of 1^st and 2^nd persons plural finish, in present as well as in past tense, by the morpheme {-t} which is not a tense marker but person-and-number marker.

The sign {-ø} represents, as number marker, absence of all other markers, i.e. {-t}{-s}{-n}{-an}{-u}{-es}. It indicates 1^st and 2^nd persons singular.

● The morpheme {-t} marks also the 1^st and 2^nd persons plural of beneficiary of bipersonal verbs (→ 11.4.2.).

______________________________________________________________________

11.4.1.2. {-s}

The morpheme {-s} has three functions : it marks present tense, 3^rd person and singular.

See its use in the forms of perfective optative (→ 11.5., 13.4., 13.5., 13.6., 13.7.).

● It is suprapersonal in the forms of potential optative (→ 11.5.2.) etc.

______________________________________________________________________

11.4.1.3. {-n}, {-an}

The morphemes {-n}(singular) and {-an}(plural) are multi-functional : they mark present tense, 3^rd person and the number.

● They are suprapersonal in the forms of

« potential mood (→ 11.5., 13.5.) of actional verbs »

« experiential mood (→ 11.5., 13.7.) of actional verbs »

« impersonal mood (→ 11.5. 13.6.) of actional verbs»

« most of stative verbs (→ 12.2., 13.2.) » and

« evolutional verbs (→ 12.3., 13.3.)».

The morpheme {-n} marks also imperfective aspect.

The morpheme {-an} does not mark a particular aspect. It marks also the 3^rd person plural of perfective optative (→ 11.5., 13.4.).

______________________________________________________________________

11.4.1.4. {-u}, {-es}

The morphemes {-u}(singular) and {-es}(plural) are tri-functional : they mark past tense, 3^rd personand the number.

● They are suprapersonal in the forms of

« potential mood (→ 11.5., 13.5.) of actional verbs »

« experiential mood (→ 11.5., 13.7.) of actional verbs »

« impersonal mood (→ 11.5. 13.6.) of actional verbs »

« most of stative verbs (→ 12.2., 13.2.) » and

« evolutional verbs (→ 12.3., 13.3.)».

They do not mark any particular aspect.

______________________________________________________________________

11.4.2. Number markers of beneficiary

Bipersonal verbs are plural-marked by {-t}, if the beneficiary is 1^st or 2^nd persons plural, even if the subject is singular.

çams ~ çaps (give to eat)

in indicative imperfective present « I give him to eat » etc

(West・Centre)