12. Verbs : Classification
12.1. Verb of existence, verb of presence, verb-copula
12.2. Stative verbs
12.3. Evolutional verbs
12.4. Actional verbs
12.5. Causative verbs
12.6. Verbs of enticement
12.7. Verbs of judgement
●●● In this chapter, only the representative form of verbs are shown in most of cases (1)(2). For other forms, see the chapter «13. Verbs : Conjugation ».
(1) Representative form = indicative mood imperfectifve present with subject in the 3rd person singular, complement in the 3rd person and, if it is « with dative complement », dative complement in the 3rd person
(2) The simple perfective of evolutional verbs are shown in this chapter, because it is the form the most frequently used.
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12.1. Verb of existence, verb of presence, verb-copula
12.1.1. Verb of existence [absolutive subject, no complement]
12.1.2. Verb of presence [absolutive subject, locative complement]
12.1.3. Verb-copula [absolutive subject, predicate]
● The verb of existence, the verb of presence et the verb-copula are homophonous.
Their homophony is not perfect : affirmation profix {ko-} ~ {k-}(→ 11.8.2.) is very
often affixed to the verb of existence ; the verb-copula is dimorphous in the indicative
mood imperfective present tense 3rd person singular in central and eastern dialects.
● The three verbs have no potential, impersonal and experiential moods. Only optative and votive moods derive from their indicative mood : they have no imperative (1) and prohibitive moods.
(1) A certain number of Laz want to use imperfective past tense of these verbs as
« imperative ». It is an erroneous loan translation of a Turkish expression. We did not
judge useful to present it in this grammar.
● They have only imperfective forms.
● No causative verb (→ 12.5.), no verbal noun (→ 15.) and none of participles (→ 14.) derive from them. (2)
(2) Turkish speaking Laz forget sometimes that a Laz word never corresponds perfectly
to a Turkish word and vice versa. It happens that the Turkish verbal noun olmak is
hyperpolysemic : it corresponds to the verb of existence, the verb of presence, the verb-
copula, the verb « become », the DP evolutional verb (→ 12.3.2.1.), the verb of birth
and harvest (→ 12.3.2.2.), the verb « happen » etc. Therefore, it is not rare to meet some
Laz who are surprised to hear that there is, for example, no verbal noun deriving from
the verb of existence in Laz. They can reply you, “It does exist ! There is a Laz verbal
noun corresponding to the Turkish word olmak.”
● No preverb (→ 11.7., 19.) is affixed to the verb of existence and the verb-copula. (3)
(3) There are some stative verbs having the morphology shown below : (→ 12.2.2.)
preverb
+ person marker of dative complement
+ stem-initial vowel {i-/u-}
+ stem of the verb of presence
+ multi-functional suffix
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12.1.1. Verb of existence [absolutive subject, no complement]
The verb of existence has two meanings :
1. Exist
2. Since (1)
(1) Every language has its own way of expression. A concept, which is expressed by a verb in laz, may correspond to a preposition in English.
The representative form is on in western dialects and ren ~ yen in central and eastern dialects. When it means « exist », it is preceeded very often by the affirmation profix {ko-} ~ {k-} and takes the forms kon (West) and koren ~ ko(y)en (Centre・East).
■■■ The form ren ~ yen (Centre ・East) is enclitic. It has become a verb-suffix and is often written attached to the preceeding word by central or eastern dialects speakers. All other forms of this verb are accented on the initial syllable.
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12.1.1.1. « exist »
[A] Affirmative
Ğormot’i kon. (West) Ğormot’i ~ Ğormoti exists.
~ Ğormoti koren. (Centre)
~ Ğormoti koyen. (Est)
ğormot’i ~ ğormoti : 1. Deity in old laz belief. 2. (recently) Dieu.
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[B] Negative
Nenei var-on. (PZ) Nenei does not exist.
Didamangisa var-on. (ÇM)(AŞ) Didamangisa does not exist.
Didamp’ilu va-ren. (FN) Didamp’ilu does not exist.
Kçink’ok’ari va-ren. (FN-Abu) Kçink’ok’ari does not exist.
nenei, didamangisa, didamp’ilu, kçink’ok’ari:
Fabulous being in the shape of old woman holding a pole who appears in the fields to
punish children picking cucumber etc without permit.
kçin(i): (West) [adjective] white-haired
(Centre・East) [noun] old woman
k’ok’ari: pole with a ring used for picking fruits on high branches.
●●● No equivalent of this fabulous being is observed in Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala,
where kçin-k’ok’ari (AH) ~ xçin-k’ok’ari (HP) means “ugly and lank old woman”.
■ In the negative, the negation marker var ~ va is accented. On and ren are enclitic.
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12.1.1.2. « since » (1)
(1) Every language has its own way of expression. A concept, which is expressed by a verb in laz, may correspond to a preposition in English.
[A]
Vi(t) ndğa on, mç’ima va-mç’ims. (PZ) It does not rain since ten days.
~ Viti ndğa on, mç’ima va-mç’iy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Vi(t) ndğa ren, mç’ima va-mç’ims. (Centre)
~ Vi(t) ndğa yen, mç’ima va-mç’ips. (HP)
~ Vi(t) ndğa yen, mç’vima va-mç’vips. (ÇX)
●●● See the article « ago » (→ 12.3.1.2.).
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[B]
●●● The form oren is ocasionally observed in poems. On and ren (yen) may be altered forms of oren. (→ 13.1.)
(ÇM)
Ç’emu-şk’imi, cur 3’ana oren, P’ursa (1) My Ç’emu is in Bursa since two years.
Ç’emu male first name (diminutive of Mustafa)
-şk’imi my
cur two ; jur in many dialects
3’ana year
P’ursa name of the Bursa city, near the Marmara Sea ; fused oblique case (here, it has
locative function)
(1) It is the first verse of the dest’ani with 3 quatrains “Ç’emu-şk’imi” written by late Hatice Demirkıran, inhabitant of Çamlıhemşin-Mek’alesk’irit, who composed also the melody.
Ç’emu, her son, went to work in Bursa. He has no home and no wife. There was no telephone in that time in their village. As they speak a language which was not yet written, they had no means to communicate at such a distance.
The second quatrain begins thus : « Four more years passed ... »
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12.1.2. Verb of presence [absolutive subject, locative complement (1)]
(1) locative noun or adverb of place
The representative form of verb of presence (without dative complement) is on (West) and ren ~ yen (Centre・East). No affirmation profix is affixed to the verb of presence.
Emine nak on ? - Oxoris on. (PZ) « Where is Emine ? » « She is at home. »
~ Emine so on ? - Oxori on. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Emine so ren ? - Oxoriz ren. (FN)(AH)
~ Emine so yen ? - Oxoyiz yen. (HP)(ÇX)
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12.1.3. Verb-copula [absolutive subject, attribut]
The representative form is on (West) and ren ~ yen (Centre・East). No affirmation profix is affixed to the verb of presence.
In central and eastern dialects, the variant oren ~ o(y)en is observed regularly after two interrogative pronouns. (→ 12.1.3.2.)
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12.1.3.1. Representative form
[A]
Ham, nana-şk’imi on. (West) This is my mother.
~ Haya, nana-çkimi ren. (Centre)
~ Aya, nana-çkimi yen. (East)
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[B]
Ğvant msk’va on. (ÇM) Ğvant is beautiful. (*)
(*) The name of this village is Ğvant in the absolutive and Ğvandi in the fused oblique case. At the final position of word, plosive consonants cannont be voiced in laz. The phoneme /d/, for example, is realised as [t] if it is the final consonant of word.
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12.1.3.2. Variant (Centre・East)
In central and eastern dialects, interrogative pronouns mi (who) and mu (what) take respectively the forms min and mun. The verb-copula takes the form oren ~ o(y)en after min and mun.
[A]
Heya min oren ? (Centre) Who is that ? (1)
~ Eya min o(y)en ? (HP)
~ İya min o(y)en ? (HP)(ÇX)
(1) There is no personal pronoun (he, she, it) in the 3rd person in laz. The demonstrative pronouns stand instead of them.
● There is no caesura between min and oren. For this reason, a certain number of Laz write minoren ~ mino(y)en as if they formed one word. The sentence can be also written mi-n-oren.
● Cf. Him mi on ? (West)
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[B]
Haya mun oren ? (Centre) What is this ?
~ Aya mun o(y)en ? (HP)(ÇX)
● There is no caesura between mun and oren. A certain number of Laz write munoren ~ muno(y)en as if they formed one word. The sentence can be written also mu-n-oren.
● Cf. Ham mu on ? (West)
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12.2. Stative verbs
12.2.1. Aø stative verbs [absolutive subject, no complement]
12.2.2. AD stative verbs (*) [absolutive subject, dative complement]
12.2.3. Dø stative verbs [dative subject, no complement]
12.2.4. DA stative verbs [dative subject, absolutive complement]
(*) Some stative verbs govern a complement in the locative case. It is logical to add the groups of AL and ADL stative verbs to the classification shown above. But the difference between « obligatory locative complement » and « non-obligatory locative complement » is not clear for all verbs. The classification of stative verbs will be completed ulteriorly.
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◘◘◘ Verbs with the mention “no complement” = verbs without obligatory complement. There may be optional adverbial complements in the locative case, directive case etc in the sentences constructed with these verbs. ◘◘◘
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◘◘◘ Terms like « transitive » or « intransitive » are not used in this study : they are
obviously inadequate for describing laz verbs. ◘◘◘
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● Stative verbs do not govern the subject in the ergative case.
● For the most part, stative verbs do not have potential, impersonal and experiential moods (1). Only optative, prohibito-optative and votive moods derive from the indicative mood. They have no imperative or prohibitive moods.
● With a few exceptions (2), stative verbs have only imperfective forms.
● No verbal noun or causative verb derive from stative verbs. (*)
● Stative verbs have no participle. (3)
●●● (1) An exception worthy of note is the stative verb uçkin (Centre・East)(→
12.2.4.) meaning « know » which has potential mood (açkinen) and impersonal mood (içkinen).
(2) Ten stative verbs shown below have the perfective optative mood. (→ 13.3.)
aç’ven ~ aç’un (have a pain in one’s skin, mucous membrane,
or stomach)
anciren (be sleepy)
ançaminen ~ ançamins (feel itchy)
apsen (want to urinate)
a3’unen ~ a3’k’unen (have a pain in one’s deep part of body)
azgven ~ az*gven (want to go to stool)
diç’in ~ diç’ç’in (ÇM)(AŞ) (be necessary)
diç’irs (PZ) (be necessary)
dvaç’in ~ dvaç’ç’in (ÇM)(AŞ) (be necessary for definite person)
dvaç’irs (PZ) (be necessary for definite person)
(3) The word çkineri (erudite) (Centre, East), having commun root with the stative
verbe uçkin (know), is a noun and not a participle : it does not mean “knowing”.
(*) Some Laz give the forms of so-called “verbal noun or causative verb deriving from
the verb uçkin”. These “words” are not observed in natural conversation between Laz
who do not belong to the small circle of « inventors of false old Laz words ».
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12.2.1. Aø stative verbs [absolutive subject, no complement]
◘◘◘ no complement = without obligatory complement ◘◘◘
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12.2.1.1. diç’ç’in (ÇM)(AŞ) « be necessary »
● It is one of exceptional stative verbs having the optative mood in the perfective
aspect. (→ 13.3.)
Ar puci diç’ç’in. (ÇM)(AŞ) A cow is necessary.
Pucepe diç’ç’inan. (ÇM)(AŞ) Cows are necessary.
●●● The verb agree in number with the subject.
● Cf. DA stative verb : dvaç’ç’in (ÇM)(AŞ) « need » (→ 12.2.4.10.)
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12.2.1.2. dgun (West) ~ dgin (Centre・Est) « be upright ; be standing »
Aydini hik dgun. (PZ) Aydini is standing there.
~ Aydini hey dgun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Aydini hek dgin. (Centre)
~ Aydini eko dgin. (East)
● Different preverbs can be affixed to this verb :
eladgun (West) ~ eladgin (Centre・East) « be standing (or upright) on a side »
cedgun (West) ~ gedgin (Centre・East) « take root ; be dug in »
At’amba avlis cedgun. (PZ) A peach-tree takes root in the courtyard.
~ At’amba avli cedgun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ant’ama avliz gedgin. (Centre・East)
● Cf. Aø actional verb : dogutun (West) ~ dodgitun (Centre・East) (→ 12.4.7.2.)
« stop (being up), stand »
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12.2.1.3. xers (PZ) ~ xen (ÇM)(AŞ)(Centre)(East) « be seated »
Musa k’ulis xers. (PZ) Musa is seated on a stool.
Musa k’uli xen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Musa oz*z*os xen. (FN)
Musa orz*os xen. (FN)(AH)
Musa tronis xen. (East)
● Different preverbs can be affixed to this verb :
elaxen « be seated on a side »
doloxen « be seated at the bottom of a closed space having vertical depth »
meşaxen « be seated in a closed space having horizontal depth »
~ mişaxen (HP, a part)(ÇX)
● Cf. Aø actional verb doxedun « sit down » (→ 12.4.7.3.)
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12.2.1.4. ncars (West), ncans ~ cans (Centre・East) « be lying ; be sleeping »
Nuri nako nca(r)s ? (PZ) Where is Nuri lying ?
Nuri so ncay ? (ÇM)(AŞ)
Nuri so ncans ? (FN)
Nuri so (n)cans ? (AH)(East)
● Different preverbs can be affixed to this verb :
elanca(r)s ~ elancans ~ elacans « be lying on a side »
dolonca(r)s ~ doloncans ~ dolocans « be lying at the bottom of a closed space
having vertical depth »
● Cf. Aø actional verb : dicinen (PZ) « lie ; go to bed » (→ 12.4.7.6.)
~ dincinen (ÇM)(AŞ)
● Cf. Eø actional verb : incirs (→ 12.4.11.4.)
(West) « sleep »
(Centre・East) 1. lie down ; go to bed 2. sleep
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12.2.1.5. nçars (West), nçans ~ çans (Centre・East)
« have born fruits on the branches or stalks »
3’o m3xuli nça(r)s-i ? (PZ) Has the pear-tree born fruits this year ?
~ Ham3’o m3xul nçars-i ? (ÇM)
~ Ham3’o m3xuli nçars-i ? (AŞ)
~ Han3’o m3xuli çans-i ? (FN-Sumla) (***)
~ An3’o m3xuli (n)çans-i ? (East)
(***) In the dialects of FN-Ç’anapet, AH-Lome etc, this verb governs the construction øL (= no subject with locative complement). They say : “M3xuliz çans”.
● Cf. Aø stative verbs with preverb showing semantic divergence :
e3’ançars ~ e3’a(n)çans « (branch, herbaceous etc) grow under something »
eyonçars ~ eyo(n)çans « (branch etc ) grow over something »
goyonçars (Batı) « (branch etc) cover something by growing »
nonçars ~ no(n)çans « have born fruits on one branch or stalk »
The combination of the preverb {me-}(*) and the pre-stem vowel {-o-} gives
the nuance « in a very small part »
(*) The preverb{me-} takes the form {n-} before vowel.
● Cf. Aø actional verb : inçanen ~ niçanen ~ içanen (→ 12.4.7.5.)
« fructify ; bear fruits »
● Cf. AD actional verb : naçanen (→ 12.4.9.3.)
« (fruits) grow (on a plant) »
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12.2.1.6. zun (West), z*in ~ zin (Centre・East) « be abandoned or forsaken »
Ar berci gzas zun. (PZ) A spade is abandoned on the road.
~ Ar berci gza zun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ar bergi gzaz z*in. (Centre・East)
~ Ar bergi gzaz zin. (East, a part)
● Some preverbs can be affixed to this verb :
dolozun ~ doloz*in ~ dolozin « be abandoned at the bottom of a closed space
having vertical depth »
meşk’azun ~ meşaz*in « be abandoned in a closed space having
~ mişaz*in horizontal depth »
● Cf. ADø stative verb (→ 12.2.4.18.)
uzun, uz*in ~ uzin « have (a thing) belonging to oneself (in a place) »
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12.2.2. AD Stative verbs [absolutive subject, dative complement]
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12.2.2.1. ek’ooms ~ ek’orumz (FN) 1. « follow (an animate) everywhere »
2. « back up, support (an animate) »
Bere nana-muşiz ek’ooms. (FN) The child follows his mother everywhere.
Heya si ek’egorumz. (FN-Ç’anapet) (*) He is following you.
(*) This example is given by Musa Karaalioğlu.
● Cf. : ek’oyun (ÇM)(AŞ-Dutxe) (→ 12.2.2.2.)
ntxozun (FN) (→ 12.2.2.3.)
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12.2.2.2. ek’oyun (ÇM)(AŞ-Dutxe) « follow (an animate)»
T’ik’ani Mustafa ek’oyun. (ÇM)(AŞ-Dutxe) The lamb (*) follows Mustafa everywhere.
(*) or kid
Him si ek’egoyun. (ÇM)(AŞ-Dutxe) Il te poursuit.
● Cf. ek’ooms ~ ek’orumz (FN) (→ 12.2.2.1.)
naonen (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ naonams (AŞ)(Centre) (→ 12.4.15.3.)
ntxozun (FN) (→ 12.2.2.3.)
antxozen, ek’antxozay, ontxozun (AŞ)
nontxozun (AŞ-Dutxe)
antxozams, ek’otxozun (FN)
atxozen, ek’atxozen, natxozams, notxozun (AH)
natxozen (HP)
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12.2.2.3. ntxozun (FN) « follow an animate awaiting something »
Xasani Xuseniz para şeni ntxozun. (FN) Xasani follows Xuseni for money.
●●● There are divers actional verbs having the same root and similar meaning.
antxozen, ek’antxozay, ontxozun (AŞ)
nontxozun (AŞ-Dutxe)
antxozams, ek’otxozun (FN)
atxozen, ek’atxozen, natxozams, notxozun (AH)
natxozen (HP)
● Cf. : ek’ooms ~ ek’orumz (FN) (→ 12.2.2.1.)
ek’oyun (ÇM)(AŞ-Dutxe) (→ 12.2.2.2.)
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12.2.3. Dø stative verbs [dative subject, no complement]
There are a great number of Laz verbs governing the subject in the dative case.
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12.2.3.1. anciren (~ ancinen)(*) « be sleepy »
● Anciren is one of exceptional stative verbs having the optative mood in the
perfective aspect. (→ 13.3.)
(*) In the dialects of Ardeşen, two variants are observed : anciren ~ ancinen.
Fadumes anciren. (PZ) Fadume is sleepy.
~ Fadume anciren. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Fadume ancinen. (AŞ)
~ Fadimez anciren. (Centre・Est) Fadime is slleepy.
● Cf. Eø actional verb : incirs (→ 12.4.11.4.)
(West) « sleep »
(Centre・East) 1. lie down ; go to bed 2. sleep
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12.2.3.2. apsen « want to urinate »
● This verb has the optative mood in the perfective aspect in central and eastern
dialects. (→ 13.3.)
Beres apsen. (PZ) The child wants to make water.
Bere apsen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Berez apsen. (Centre・East)
● Cf. Eø actional verb : « urinate »
psams (PZ) ~ psums (AŞ)(FN) ~ psims (AH)(HP) ~ psips (HP)(ÇX)
●●● Some verbs having the same root are shown below in the forms that are observed in Fındıklı) :
dopsums (urinate toward the ground), dolopsums (urinate vertically in a bag or bottle), epsums (urinate vertically upwards), ek’upsums (urinate in a place that is filled by water like lake or pond), elapsums (urinate on a side ; urinate aside), eşapsums (urinate between), e3’opsums (urinate toward the lower part of a thing), eyopsums (sprinkle a thing by one’s urine), gamapsums (urinate out of the window), gelapsums (urinate slantwise downwards), gepsums (urinate vertically downwards ; urinate in the bed), mek’apsums (urinate toward the opposite side of a brook), meşapsums (urinate horizontally in the urinal vessel), napsen (drop some urine incontinently), nopsums (urinate toward a tree, rock or wall) ......
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12.2.3.3. şkorons (Centre) ~ şkirons (East) « be starving, be famished »
Heyaz şkorons. (FN) He is starving./ He is famished.
~ Hemus şkorons. (AH)
~ Emus şkirons. (East)
● Cf. « be hungry » (→ 12.3.6.2.)
amşk’orinen (PZ)(AŞ) ~ amşk’urinen (ÇM-Ğvant)
~ amşko(r)inen (Centre) ~ amşkironen (HP)
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12.2.4. DA stative verbs [dative subject, absolutive complement]
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12.2.4.1. aç’ven ~ aç’un « have a pain in one’s skin, mucous membrane or stomach »
The representative form is aç’ven in most of dialects. It is aç’un at Arhavi-Pilarget.
● It is one of exceptional stative verbs having the optative mood in the perfective
aspect. (→ 13.3.)
Himus tolepe aç’ven. (PZ) He has sore eyes.
~ Himu tolepe aç’ven. (ÇM)
~ Him tolepe aç’ven. (AŞ)
~ Heyaz tolepe aç’ven. (FN)
~ Hemus tolepe aç’un. (AH- Pilarget)
~ Hemuz tolepe aç’ven. (AH)
~ Emuz tolepe aç’ven. (Est)
● Cf. Eø actional verb :
uç’ums « induce irritation in one’s skin, mucous membrane or stomach»
● Cf. Actional verbs ç’ums (burn something) and iç’ven (be on fire) have the same stem {-ç’v-}, homophonous with the stem of uç’ums and aç’ven.
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12.2.4.2. alimben (PZ) « love »
İsmas Fadume alimben. (PZ) İsma loves Fadume.
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12.2.4.3. ançaminen (West) ~ ançamins (Centre・East) « feel itchy »
● It is one of exceptional stative verbs having the optative mood in the perfective
aspect. (→ 13.3.)
Ayşes ciniki ançaminen. (PZ) Ayşe’s ciniki(*) is itching.
~ Ayşe ciniki ançaminen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ayşez ciniki ançamins. (Centre・East)
(*) ciniki : intersection of shoulders and the backbone
● Cf. EA actional verb : inçaminams (West) « scratch oneself »
~ inçamins (Centre・East)
● Cf. EDA actional verb : unçaminams « scratch someone else »
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12.2.4.4. aoropen[1] (ÇM)(AŞ) « love »
İsma Fadume aoropen. (ÇM)(AŞ) İsma loves Fadume.
● Cf. EA verb of enticement : ioropinams « charm ; fascinate » « (→ 12.6.2.1.)
●●● Cf. in central and eastern dialects :
DA evolutional verb : aoropen[2] (Centre) « fall in love » (→ 12.3.7.2.)
~ ax’oropen (East)
ED actional verb : oroms (Centre) « love » (*) (→ 12.4.14.4.)
~ x’orops (East)
(*) This verb has no perfective forms because of its durative meaning.
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● The synonymous verb aropen, observed in Pazar, will be the subject of further researches.
●●● Another synonymous verb airopen, observed in Ardeşen, will be also the subject of further researches. It seems to be of « partially bipersonal »conjugation, what is an anomaly, while all other stative verbs are conjugated monopersonally.
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12.2.4.5. a3’unen (West) ~ a3’k’unen (Centre・East) « have a pain in one’s deep part of body »
● It is one of exceptional stative verbs having the optative mood in the perfective
aspect. (→ 13.3.)
Turgutis ti a3’unen. (PZ) Turguti has a headache.
~ Turguti ti a3’unen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Turgutiz ti a3’k’unen. (Centre・East)
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12.2.4.6. coxons (AH)(Est) « be named »
Cuma-çkimiz Orhani coxons. My brother is named Orhani.
● Cf. Noun : ncoxo (FN) ~ coxo (AH)(East) « name »
● Cf. EDø actional verb : ucoxams (Centre) ~ ucoxaps (HP) ~ ucoxops (ÇX)
« call a definite person » (→ 12.4.15.5.)
● Cf. EA actional verb : icoxams (Centre) ~ icoxaps (HP) ~ icoxops (ÇX)
« call an indefinite person » (→ 12.4.13.4.)
« call a person without knowing where he is »
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12.2.4.7. cozun (West) ~ gyoz*in (FN) « be named »
Cuma-şk’imis Orhani cozun. (PZ) My brother is named Orhani.
~ Cuma-şk’imi Orhani cozun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Cuma-çkimiz Orhani gyoz*in. (FN)
● The imperfective past of the verb cozun (West)(→ 13.3.) has two means :
1. « (he, she) was named »
2. « (his, her) fate was thus »
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12.2.4.8. (k’ai) da3’onen[1] (Centre) ~ (k’ai) a3’onen[1] (HP ~ ÇX) « like, be fond of »
Affirmative :
Mustavaz Lazuri osinapu k’ai da3’onen. (FN)
~ Mustafaz Lazuri op’aramit’u k’ai da3’onen. (AH)
~ Mustafas Lazuri ğarğalaps k’ai a3’onen. (HP ~ ÇX)
« Mustafa like to speak Laz. »
Mustavaz, bere-muşik Lazuri na-isinapamz k’ai da3’onen. (FN)
~ Bere-muşik Lazuri na-ip’aramitams Mustafaz k’ai da3’onen. (AH)
~ Bere-muşik Lazuri na-ğarğalaps Mustafas k’ai a3’onen. (HP ~ ÇX)
« Mustafa is happy that his child speak Laz. »
Negative :
Heyaz dido monç’eri m3xuli k’ai var-da3’onen. (FN)
~ Hemuz dido monç’eri m3xuli k’ai var-da3’onen. (AH)
~ Emus dido monç’eri m3xuli k’ai var-a3’onen. (HP ~ ÇX)
« He does not like over-ripe pears. » (1)
(1) The plural is not necessarily marked in Laz.
Baba-çkimiz, da-çkimik İstanbuliz na-dodgitun k’ai var-da3’onet’t’u. (FN)
~ Da-çkimik İstanbuliz na-dodgitun baba-çkimiz k’ai var-da3’onert’u.(AH)
~ Da-çkimik İstanbulis na-dodgitun baba-çkimis k’ai var-a3’onet’u. (HP ~ ÇX)
« My father was not happy that my sister lived at Istanbul. »
● Synonym ADø stative verb (k’ai) u3’ons (Centre・East)(→ 12.2.4.19.)
● Homophone Verb of judgement da3’onen[2] ~ a3’onen[2] (→ 12.7.2.)
« take a person for someone else »
● Homophone In Fındıklı-Ç’anapet, da3’onen (without k’ai) means « want ».
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12.2.4.9. dubağun (PZ)(*) « be content with, be satisfied with »
● The preverb {d-} has apparently no function. (*)
Himus ar m3xuli dubağun. (PZ) « He is content with a pear. »
/ Ar m3xuli himus dubağun.
●(*) Synonymous verb without preverb ubağun is observed in all other dialects. It takes the form dubağun, if the affirmation profix is affixed. (→ 12.2.4.12.)
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12.2.4.10. dvaç’ç’in (ÇM)(AŞ) « be necessary for definite person ; need »
● It is one of exceptional stative verbs having the optative mood in the perfective
aspect. (→ 13.3.)
Himu ar puci dvaç’ç’in. / Ar puci himu dvaç’ç’in. (ÇM)
~ Him ar puci dvaç’ç’in. / Ar puci him dvaç’ç’in. (AŞ)
« A cow is necessary for him./ He needs a cow. »
● Synonym: uk’or- + (→ 12.2.4.14.)
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12.2.4.11. şun (West) ~ şuns (East) « have something in remembrance »
Ğoma mi moxt’u, Amedis şun-i ? (PZ)
~ Ğoma mi moxt’u, Amedi şun-i ? (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ğoma mi moxtu, Amediz şuns-i ? (Centre)
~ Ğoman mi moxtu, Amediz şuns-i ? (East)
« Does Amedi have in remembrance who came yesterday ? »
● Cf. DA evolutional verb gvaşinen « remember »(→ 12.3.7.4.)
~ gaşinen
● Cf. EA actional verb goişinams « think of » (→ 12.4.13.3.)
● Cf. EDA actional verb gvoşinams « remind someone of » (→ 12.4.17.1.)
~ goşinams
● Cf. EDA actional verb guşinams (PZ) « remind someone of » (→ 12.4.17.2.)
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12.2.4.12. ubağun (ÇM)(AŞ)(Centre・East) « be content with, be satisfied with »
The affirmation profix {d-} is used almost systematically in the affirmative in western dialects.
Himu xut kilo domates (d)ubağun. (ÇM) He is satisfied with five kilos of tomato.
~ Him xut kilo domatesi (d)ubağun. (AŞ)
~ Heyaz xut kilo domatesi ubağun. (FN)
~ Heyaz xut kilo balucaği ubağun. (FN-Ç’anapet, Ç’urç’ava)(1)
~ Hemus xut kilo domates ubağun. (AH-Pilarget)
~ Hemuz xut kilo domatesi ubağun. (AH)
~ Emuz xut kilo domatez ubağun. (East)
(1) The word balucaği (tomato) is observed only in certain dialects of Fındıklı.
● Synonym : dubağun (PZ) (→ 12.2.4.9.)
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12.2.4.13. uğun « possess (something inanimate) »
Himus jur oxori uğun. (PZ) He has two houses.
~ Himu cur oxor uğun. (ÇM)
~ Him cur oxori uğun. (AŞ)
~ Heyaz jur oxo(r)i uğun. (FN)
~ Hemus jur oxor uğun. (AH-Sidere)
~ Hemuz jur oxo(r)i uğun. (AH)
~ Emuz jur oxoi uğun. (East)
● Cf. u(y)onun (West・Centre) ~ ux’oun/ux’onun (East) (→ 12.2.4.17. )
« have (someone or some animal) »
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12.2.4.14. √-k’or- ~ √-k’ord-
We treat here three stative verbs that can be of same origin. (These verbs are not observed in the dialects of Ardeşen, Hopa and Çxala.)
● Homophony : the stem of EA actional verb k’orums/k’oruy/k’orups (bind)
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12.2.4.14.1. (PZ) uk’oren « lack for ; be short of »
Himus ar oxori uk’oren. He lacks for a house.
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12.2.4.14.2. (ÇM) “lack for a small part of something”
Ma ar yat’oni memok’ordun. (ÇM-Ğvant) I lack for a log.
yat’oni ~ yat’t’oni (West) :
1. (PZ) long and fine wood
2. (ÇM-Ğvant) log
3. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) tree that is not felled or difficult to fell
4. (AŞ-Ortaalan) trunk ; scantling
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12.2.4.14.3. (FN)(AH) « need »
uk’o(r)oms (FN-Ç’ennet)
~ uk’orems (FN-Ç’anapet) (AH-Jin-Napşit etc) (***)
~ uk’orams (AH centre)
~ uk’ors (AH centre)
Heyaz ar oxo(r)i uk’o(r)oms. (FN-Ç’ennet) He needs a house.
~ Heyaz ar oxo(r)i uk’orems. (FN-Sumla, Ç’anapet)(***)
~ Hemus ar oxor uk’orems. (AH-Jin-Napşit etc)(***)
~ Hemuz ar oxo(r)i uk’orams. (AH-Borğola)
~ Hemuz ar oxo(r)i uk’ors. (AH-Borğola)
●●● (***) {-em} is a post-stem (= imperfective aspect marker in the indicative mood) scarcely observed.
● Synonyms : dvaç’irs ~ dvaç’iren (PZ)
dvaç’in (ÇM) ~ dvaç’ç’in (AŞ) (→ 12.2.4.10.)
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12.2.4.15. unon ~ unons (Centre・East) « want »
● The representative form is unon in most of dialects. It is unons in Fındıklı-Ç’ennet.
Heyaz ar biç’i unon. (FN) He wants a boy.
Heyaz ar biç’i unons. (FN-Ç’ennet)
Hemuz ar biç’i unon. (AH)
Emuz ar biç’i unon. (East)
● Cf. Eø actional verb : gorums (West) 1. search 2. want
(Centre・East) « search »
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12.2.4.16. uşk’un (West) ~ uçkin (Centre・East) « know »
Himus Lazuri nena uşk’un-i ? - Kuşk’un. (PZ)
~ Himu Lazuri nena uşk’un-i ? - Kuşk’un. (ÇM)
~ Him Lazuri nena uşk’un-i ? - Kuşk’un. (AŞ)
~ Heyaz Lazuri nena uçkin-i ? - Kuçkin. (FN)
~ Hemuz Lazuri nena uçkin-i ? - Kuçkin. (AH)
~ Emuz Lazuri nena uçkin-i ? - Kuçkin. (Est)
« Does he know the Laz language ? » (= Does he speak Laz ?)
- « He knows. » (= Yes, he does.)
● The morpheme{k-} at the initial of the word kuşk’un, kuçkin is an affirmation profix. (→ 11.8.2.)
● Cf. : EA actional verb : içinams (→ 12.4.13.5.)
« know (an animate) ; recognise (an animate) »
●●● The verb uçkin, observed only in central and eastern dialects, is a peculiar case : it has the potential and impersonal moods, what is an exception worthy of note among stative verbs. (→ 13.3.)
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12.2.4.17. uyonun ~ uonun (West・Centre), ux’oun/ux’onun (East)
« have (someone or some animal) »
Himus otxo bere uyonun. (PZ) He has four children.
~ Himu otxo bere uyonun. (ÇM)
~ Him otxo bere u(y)onun. (AŞ)
~ Heyaz otxo bere uyonun. (FN)
~ Hemuz otxo bere uyonun. (AH)
~ Emuz otxo bere ux’o(n)un. (Est) (1)
(1) ux’onun at Hopa-P’eronit村 etc, ux’oun at Hopa-Mxigi etc.
● Cf. : uğun « possess (something inanimate) » (→ 12.2.4.13.)
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12.2.4.18. uzun (West), uz*in ~ uzin (Centre・East)
« have (a thing) belonging to oneself (in a place) »
Cemalis bergi axiris uzun. (PZ) Cemali has a spade in his cattle-shed.
~ Cemali bergi mandre uzun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Cemaliz bergi mandrez uz*in. (Centre)
~ Cemaliz bergi axiris uzin. (HP-Azlağa)
● Cf. Aø stative verb : zun, z*in ~ zin « be abandoned or forsaken »
(→ 12.2.1.7.)
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12.2.4.19. (k’ai) u3’ons (Centre・East) « like ; be fond of »
Affirmatif :
Mustavaz, bere-muşik Lazuri na-isinapamz k’ai u3’ons. (FN)
~ Bere-muşik Lazuri na-ip’aramitams Mustafaz k’ai u3’ons. (AH)
~ Bere-muşik Lazuri na-ğarğalaps Mustafaz k’ai u3’ons. (Est)
« Mustafa is happy that his child speak Laz. »
Negative :
Heyaz dido monç’eri m3xuli k’ai var-u3’ons. (FN)
~ Hemuz dido monç’eri m3xuli k’ai var-u3’ons. (AH)
~ Emuz dido monç’eri m3xuli k’ai var-u3’ons. (Est)
« He does not like over-ripe pears. » (1)
(1) The plural is not necessarily marked in Laz.
● Synonym ADø stative verb : (k’ai) da3’onen[1] ~ (k’ai) a3’onen[1]
(Centre・East)(→ 12.2.4.8.)
● Homophone In Fındıklı-Ç’anapet, u3’ons (without k’ai) means « want ».
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12.3. Evolutional verbs
Those having √-x’v- ~ √-v- ~ √-y- ~ √-ø- root :
12.3.1. iyen ~ iven ~ ix’ven
12.3.2. ayen ~ aen ~ aven ~ ax’ven
Those having root other than √-x’v- ~√-v- ~ √-y- ~ √-ø- :
12.3.3. øø evolutional verbs [no sibject, no complement]
12.3.4. øD evolutional verbs [no subject, dative comlement]
12.3.5. Dø evolutional verbs [dative subject, no complement]
12.3.6. DC evolutional verbs [dative subject, cognate complement]
12.3.7. DA evolutional verbs [dative subject, absolutive complement]
12.3.8. DL evolutional verbs [dative subject, locative complement]
12.3.9. D.Dir evolutional verbs [dative subject, directive complement]
12.3.10. D.Abl evolutional verbs [dative subject, ablative complement]
The imperfective of evolutional verbs expresses the general truth or the immediate future.
The simple perfective expresses the present state that has resulted from the evolution of a state, while the complex perfective expresses a past state that had resulted from an anterior evolution.
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◘◘◘ Terms like « transitive » or « intransitive » are not used in this study : they are obviously inadequate for describing laz verbs. ◘◘◘
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● Evolutional verbs have no potential, impersonal and experiential moods. Optative, prohibito-optative and votive moods derive from the indicative. A very small number of verbs have imperative and prohibitive moods.
● No causative verb derive from evolutional verbs. However, there are some pseudo-causative verbs deriving from evolutional verbs. We call them “verbs of enticement” (→ 12.6.)
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12.3.1. iyen ~ iven ~ ix’ven ~ ix’vapun ~ ix’opun
There are three evolutionl verbs that are homophonous. Regional variants of the representative form are as follows :
iyen (West)(FN a part) ~ iven (Centre) ~ ix’ven (HP) ~ ix’vapun/ ix’opun (ÇX)
Perfective forms have very often the affirmation profix {do-} ~ {d-}. Regional variants of indicative, simple perfective, 3rd person singular as follows (with affirmation profix between parentheses).
(d)iyu (West) ~ (d)ivu (Centre) ~ (d)ix’u (East)
12.3.1.1. « Become » [absolutive subject (or wıthout subject), predicate]
12.3.1.2. « Ago » (*) [nominal clause, expression of duration]
12.3.1.3. « Arrive to the last phase of maturation or baking »
[absolutive subject]
(*) Every language has its own way of expression. A concept, which is expressed by a verb in laz, may correspond to an adverb in English.
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12.3.1.1. « Become » [absolutive subject (or no subject) + predicate]
[A] imperfective (general truth + immediate future)
3’arik’op’ali imordasis mayare iyen. (PZ)
~ 3’arik’op’p’al(i) imordasi maari iyen. (ÇM)(AŞ)(***)
~ 3’k’ak’op’ali dirdayiz mai iven. (FN)
~ 3’k’ak’op’al(i) dirdaşi mai iven. (AH)
~ 3’k’ak’op’ali dirdaşi max’ax’i ix’ven. (East)
« Tadpoles, when grown up, become frog. »
3’arik’op’(p’)ali (West) < 3’ari (water) + k’op’(p’)ali (bludgeon)
3’k’ak’op’ali (Centre・East) < 3’k’a (water) + k’op’ali (bludgeon)
● mayare (PZ) ~ maari (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ mai (Centre) ~ max’ax’i (East) : frog
Cf. poxo (PZ) ~ mcvabu (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ mjvabu (Centre・East) : toad (***)
(***) In certain dialects of Ardeşen (Ğere etc), mcvabu : frog and toad.
●●● The phoneme /x’/ is preserved only in eastern dialects. By comparing divers dialectal forms, we can make the following hypothesis concerning the recent phonetic evolution of the word meaning “frog”.
(Centre) max’ax’i → *maai → mai
(PZ) max’ax’i → *maai → *mayayi (1) → *mayaye → mayare (2)
↓
(*mayari (2) → mayare)
(ÇM)(AŞ) max’ax’i → *maai → *maayi (1) → maari (2)
(1) /y/ = epenthetic consonant in order to avoid hiatus
(2) /y/ → /r/ = apparition of /r/ by hypercorrection
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[B]
● simple perfective
Da-şk’imi doktor(i) di(y)u. (West) My sister has become doctor.
~ Da-çkimi doktor(i) divu. (Centre)
~ Da-çkimi doktoyi dix’u. (East)
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[B’-1]
In the dialects of Pazar and Çamlıhemşin, the following sentence without subject is often observed :
Limci diyu. (PZ)(ÇM) The night has fallen. (1)
(1) Word-for-word : « has become night »
limci (PZ)(ÇM) ~ lumci (AŞ)(Centre・East) : night
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[B’-2]
Following sentences without subject are observed in various places.
Mcora di(y)u. (AŞ) The sun has (re)appeared. (1)
Mjora divu. (FN)
Mjora dix’u. (HP)
(1) Word-for-word : « has become sun »
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[C]
The predicate can be an adjective :
Ora mapxa diyu. (AŞ) The weather has become fine.
~ Ora mapxa divu. (FN)
~ T’aroni mapxa divu. (AH)
~ T’aoni mapxa dix’u. (East)
ora : 1. time ; hour
2. (in certain regions) weather
Cf. grekc ώρα : hour, time
[The orthography of greek words in this web site is “monotonic” (= using only one kind of accent). Other accents like the circumflex ( ˜ ) are not used.]
mapxa : (according to the region)
1. not necessariry sunny but with the blue sky
2. warm and sunny
cf. mcorani (AŞ), mjoroni (AH) “sunny”
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12.3.1.2. « ago » (1)
(1) Every language has its own way of expression. A concept, which is expressed by a
verb in laz, may correspond to an adverb in English.
Construction : [nominal clause with verb in the perfective aspect + statement of duration]
Emine hak na-moxt’u sum 3’ana diyu. (PZ) Emine came here three years ago.
~ Emine hay na-moxt’u sum 3’ana di(y)u. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Emine hak na-moxtu sum 3’ana divu. (Centre)
~ Emine ak na-moxtu sum 3’ana dix’u. (East)
●●● See the verb corresponding to the English preposition « since » (→ 12.1.1.2.) which does not take the same affirmation profix.
_____________________________________________________________________________
12.3.1.3. (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)
« (Fruit) arrives to maturation ; (Bread) arrives to the last phase of baking » [absolutive subject]
This verb remains in the singular even if the subject is in the plural as it is the case of the first example below.
Omrepe iyen. (PZ-Apso) Plums will be soon ripe.
~ Ombri iyen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Cari iyen. The bread will be soon baked.
Cari di(y)u. The bread is baked and ready to be eaten.
●●● This verb is not observed in central and eastern dialects.
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● Synonyms :
Aø actional verb « ripen, mature » imonç’en (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)
minç’en (AŞ-Dutxe)
moinç’en (FN)
imonç’en (AH)(HP)
muynç’en (ÇX)
Aø actional verb « bake (intransitive) » iç’ven (all dialects)
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12.3.2. ayen ~ aen ~ aven ~ ax’ven ~ ax’vapun
There are three evolutionl verbs having this form.
12.3.2.1. ADP evolutional verb (1)
12.3.2.2. AD evolutional verb (2)
12.3.2.3. DP evolutional verb (3)
(1) [absolutive subject, dative complement, predicate]
(2) [absolutive subject, dative complement]
(3) [dative subject, predicate]
Regional variants of the common representative form are as follows :
ayen (West)(FN, a part) ~ aven (Centre) ~ ax’ven (HP) ~ ax’vapun (ÇX)
Indicative simple perfectifve 3rd person singular :
ayu (West)(FN, a part) ~ avu (Centre) ~ ax’u (East)
Idem with affirmation profix :
dvayu (West)
~ dayu (FN, a part) ~ davu (Centre) ~ dax’u (HP)
~ dvax’u (ÇX)
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12.3.2.1. ADP evolutional verb [absolutive subject, dative complement, predicate]
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12.3.2.1.1. Predicate = noun
This verb expresses, if the predicate is a noun, the relationship between the subject and the dative complement. Its equivalent in English can be “be” or “become” according to the context.
Fadume Amedis bula ayen. (PZ) Fadume is/becomes Amedi’s aunt.
~ Fadume Amedi bula a(y)en. (ÇM)(AŞ)(*)
~ Fadime Amediz dadi aven. (Centre) Fadime is/becomes Amedi’s aunt.
~ Fadime Amediz dadi ax’ven.(East)
(*) The complement is in the fused oblique case in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen. (→ 1.1.2.)
Fadume (West) ~ Fadime (Centre・East) : female first name, < Turkish Fatma < Arabic
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12.3.2.1.2. Predicate = adjective
If the predicate is an adjective, this verb expresses that the inanimate subject is in a particular state for the dative complement.
Ham 3’endeç’i ma mboli mayen. (ÇM) These socks are too big for me. ______________________________________________________________________
12.3.2.2. AD evolutional verb [dative complement, absolutive subject]
If the subject is a baby who will be born or was born, the father and/or mother are the dative complement. If the subject is an agricultural product, the dative complement is the proprietor of the field ready to harvest, gather or reap. The subject can be also a milch cow or ewe ready for milking etc.
[A]
Ar tutaşe Aşelas ar bere ayen. (PZ) Within one month, Aşela will have a child.
~ Ar tutaşa Aşela ar bere a(y)en. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ar tutaşa Aşelaz ar bere aven. (Centre)
~ Ar tutaşa Aşelaz ar bere ax’ven. (Est)
tuta : moon ; lunar month ; solar month
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[B]
Him xorz*as opşa lu (dv)ayu. (PZ)
~ Him oxorca zade lu (dv)a(y)u. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Hem oxorcaz dido lu (d)avu. (Centre)
~ Em oxorcaz dido lux’u (d)ax’u. (HP)
~ Em oxorcas dido lux’u (dv)ax’u. (ÇX)
« That woman has a lot of cabbages to gather. »
lu ~ lux’u : cabbage
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[C]
Doğanis, axiris p’anda ar puci ayen. (PZ) (1)
~ Doğani, mandre p’anda ar puci ayen. (ÇM)
~ Doğani, mandre irote ar puci a(y)en. (AŞ)
~ Doğaniz, mandrez p’anda ar puci aven. (FN)
~ Doğaniz, axiriz iyya ar puci aven. (AH) (1)
~ Doğaniz, axiriz p’ant’a ar puci ax’ven. (HP) (1)
« Doğani has always a cow in his cattle-shed. »
(1) axir(i) : cattle-shed < Turkish ahır. Here in the locative case.
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12.3.2.3. DP evolutional verb [dative subject, predicate]
The imperfective present of the « DP evolutional verb» expresses the general truth, while the simple perfective expresses the present state resulting from an accomplished evolution. Some examples of this verb are shown below in the simple perfective.
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[A] Predicate can be an adjective :
Hamus ini (dv)ayu. (PZ) He has caught a chill.
~ Hamu ini (dv)ayu. (ÇM)
~ Ham ini (dv)a(y)u. (AŞ)
~ Hayaz ini (d)avu. (FN)
~ Hamuz ini (d)avu. (AH)
~ Amuz x’ini (d)ax’u. (HP)
~ Amus x’ini (dv)ax’u. (ÇX)
ini (West・Centre) ~ x’ini (East): cold
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[B] Predicate can be an adverb :
Himus leba (dv)ayu. (PZ) He is late./ He is behind his time.
~ Himu leba (dv)ayu. (ÇM)
~ Him leba (dv)a(y)u. (AŞ)
~ Heyaz leba (d)avu. (FN)(*)
~ Hemuz yano (d)avu. (AH)(*)
leba (West)(FN, a part) : late
yano (FN, a part)(Centre・East) : late
●●● (*) In the distribution area of yano, evolutif state verb (→ 12.3.) ayanen (be in late,
be behind one’s time) is observed.
Heyaz (d)ayanu. (FN)
~ Hemuz (d)ayanu. (AH)
~ Emuz (d)ayanu. (HP)
~ Emus (dv)ayanu. (ÇX)
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[C] Predicate can be a noun in the absolutive case :
Hamus oncğore (dv)ayu. (PZ) He is ashamed.
~ Hamu oncğor (dv)ayu. (ÇM)(*)
~ Ham oncğore (dv)a(y)u. (AŞ)
~ Hayaz oncğore (d)avu. (FN)
~ Hamus oncğor (d)avu. (AH-Sidere etc)(*)
~ Hamuz oncğore (d)avu. (AH)
~ Amuz oncğoye (d)ax’u. (HP)
~ Amus oncğoye (dv)ax’u. (ÇX)
oncğore ~ oncğor (*): shame
(*) In the dialects where the absolutive case is differenciated from the postpositional or fused oblique cases (→ 1.1.),
oncğor = absolutive case, oncğore = postpositional case or fused oblique case
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12.3.3. øø evolutional verbs
A small number of verbs meaning “it is growning light” or “night is falling” enter in this category. Beside the three verbs that are described hereunder, there are com3’upun ~ gyom3’k’upun “it is growning dark”, diyanen (FN)(AH) “it is getting late” and some other verbs.
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12.3.3.1. dolumcun ~ dolumcuy « night is falling »
Dolumcun. (PZ) Night is falling.
Dolumcuy. ~ Dolumcun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Dolumcun. (Centre・East)
Simple perfective :
Dolumcu. It is dark already.
● In a dest’ani written in a dialect of Ardeşen, there are two cases where the verbs
without subject are exceptionally conjugated in the 2nd person singular.
Tangri-şk’imi, dolumci do dotani “My God, make night and make day !”
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12.3.3.2. dotanums ~ dotanun ~ tanun ~ tanums « it is growing light »
Dotanun ~ dotanums (PZ) It is growing light.
~ Dotanuy ~ (Do)tanun (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ (Do)tanun (FN)
~ Dotanun (AH)
~ Tanums ~ Tanups (East)
Simple perfective :
Dotanu. (all dialects) It is broad daylight.
● Synonyms : ditanun, gontanun (FN)
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12.3.4. øD evolutional verbs [no subject, dative comlement]
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12.3.4.1. dulumcun ~ dulumcuy « night is falling for someone (= s.o. is too slow) »
[Hini Xop’eşa idanşa] dulumcanen. (ÇM)
~ [Entepe Xopaşa ulut’anşa] dulumcasinonan. (HP) (*)
« Night will fall [until they reach Hopa] (as they are too slow). »
(*) according to Ramiz Bekaroğlu.
● In the example shown above, the daive complement of the verb dulumcun is not apparent because it is identical with the subject of the subordinative clause that is put into square brackets ([]). But the verb of the principal clause agrees with its dative complement in person and in number.
idanşa : ulun (go) : in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen-Fındıklı,
converb (*) perfective optative 3rd pers. pl. « until they reach (in the
future) »
ulu(r)t’anşa : ulun (go) : in the dialects of Arhavi-Hopa-Çxala, conjunction-verb (*)
imperfective optative 3rd pers. pl. « until they reach (in the future) »
dulumcanen : dulumcun : in the dialects of ÇM-AŞ-FN, future with dative
complement 3rd pers. pl. « night will fall for them »
dulumcasinonan : dulumcun : in the dialects of HP-centre, future with dative
complement 3rd pers. pl. « night will fall for them »
(*) converb : verb with a subordinative conjunction of suffixal type. See the chapters « 6. Subordinative conjunctions » and « 13. Verbs : Conjugation ».
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12.3.5. Dø evolutional verbs [dative subject, no complement]
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12.3.5.1. adven[1] « rut » (1)
Example (simple perfective) :
Pucis adu. (PZ) The cow is at the rut. (1)
~ Puci adu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Puciz adu. (Centre・East)
● (1) adven (imperfective) = “goes to the rut ; is generally at the rut”
adu (perfective) = “is now at the rut”
● Homophones : adven[2] (→ 12.4.7.1.), adven[3] (→ 12.4.9.1.)
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12.3.5.2. dvanç’inen (West) ~ daç’k’inen (FN-Ç’anapet) ~ daç’k’inden (Centre)(HP) ~ dvaç’k’inden (ÇX)
« be tired »
● The morpheme {dv-} ~ {d-} at the initial of the word is a preverb without apparent function.
Example (simple perfective) :
Omeris dvanç’inu. (PZ) Omeri is tired. (1)
~ Omeri dvanç’inu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Omeriz daç’k’inu. (FN-Ç’anapet)
~ Omeriz daç’k’indu. (Centre)(HP)
~ Omeris dvaç’k’indu. (ÇX)
●●● (1) The simple perfective of evolutional verbs expresses the present state.
(This remark will not be repeated again in this sub-chapter.)
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12.3.5.3. açinden (PZ)(AŞ)(Centre・East) ~ açindren (ÇM) « sneeze »
Example (imperfective present) :
Alis açinden. (PZ) Ali sneezes.
~ Ali açindren. (ÇM)
~ Ali açinden. (AŞ)
~ Aliz açkinden. (Centre・East)
Example (simple perfective) :
Alis açindu. (PZ) Ali has sneezed.
~ Ali açindru. (ÇM)
~ Ali açindu. (AŞ)
~ Aliz açkindu. (Centre・East)
● It is remarkable that « sneeze », involuntary and irrepressible physiological reaction, is not an actional verb but an evolutional verb in Laz.
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12.3.6. DC evolutional verbs [dative subject, cognate complement]
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12.3.6.1. ambinen (West) ~ aominen (Centre) « be thirsty »
● This verb is often observed with the cognate complement meaning « water ». It can
also be a verb without complement.
● The imperfective present of this verb expresses the general truth.
Example (simple perfective) :
Ayhanis (3’ari) ambinu. (PZ) Ayhani is thirsty.
~ Ayhani (3’ari) ambinu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ayhaniz (3’k’ai) aominu. (FN)(AH)
~ Ayhanis (3’k’ar) aominu. (AH-Sidere)
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12.3.6.2. amşk’orinen (West) ~ amşk’urinen (ÇM-Ğvant) ~ amşko(r)inen (Centre) ~ amşkironen (East)
« be hungry »
● This verb is often observed with the cognate complement meaning « bread ; meal ». It
can also be a verb without complement.
● The imperfective present of this verb expresses the general truth.
Example (simple perfective) :
Ayhanis (cari) amşk’orinu. (PZ) Ayhani is hungry.
~ Ayhani (cari) amşk’urinu. (ÇM-Ğvant)
~ Ayhani (cari) amşk’orinu. (AŞ)
~ Ayhaniz (gyai) amşko(r)inu. (Centre)
~ Ayhanis (gyari) amşkorinu. (AH-Sidere)
~ Ayhaniz (gyai) amşkironu. (HP)
● Cf. « be starving, be famished » şkorons (Centre) ~ şkirons (East) (→ 12.2.3.3.)
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12.3.7. DA evolutional verbs [dative subject, absolutive complement]
Most of DA evolutional verbs have the bipersonal conjugation. We show here only the representative form and the « simple perfective having the subject in the 3rd person singular and the complement in the 3rd person singular ». See the chapter 13. « Verbs : Conjugation »
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12.3.7.1. ak’omanden (PZ) ~ ak’omaden (ÇM)(AŞ) « long for »
● The imperfective present of this verb expresses the general truth.
● The simple perfective expresses the present state.
Example in the simple perfective :
Bexas Ç’emu ak’omandu. (PZ) Bexa longs for Ç’emu.
~ Bexa Ç’emu ak’omadu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
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12.3.7.2. aoropen[2] (FN-Ç’anapet) ~ ax’oropen (ÇX) « fall in love »
The affirmation profix {d-/dv-} is affixed to the verb in the perfective aspect in all
affirmative sentences observed by the author of this study.
Fadimez Mustafa daoropu.(FN-Ç’anapet) Fadime has fallen in love with Mustafa.
Fadimes Mustafa dvax’oropu. (ÇX)
● The construction with the directive case is frequently observed in Çxala.
Fadimes Mustafaşa dvax’oropu. (ÇX)
● Homophone → 12.2.4.4.
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12.3.7.3. ganç’elen (Centre)(HP) ~ gvanç’elen (ÇX) « long for »
Example in the simple perfective :
Ç’etoz Aşela ganç’elu. (Centre)(HP) Ç’eto longs for Aşela.
Ç’etos Aşela gvanç’elu. (ÇX)
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12.3.7.4. gvaşinen (West) ~ gaşinen (Centre)(HP) ~ gvaşinen (ÇX) « remember »
Example in the imperfective present :
Bere-şk’imis Fatma gvaşinen. (PZ) My child remembers Fatma.
~ Bere-şk’imi Fatma gvaşinen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Bere-çkimiz Fatma gaşinen. (Centre)(HP)
~ Bere-çkimis Fatma gvaşinen. (ÇX)
● Cf. EA actional verb goişinams « think of » (→ 12.4.13.3.)
● Cf. EDA actional verb gvoşinams « remind someone of» (→ 12.4.17.1.)
~ goşinams
● Cf. EDA actional verb guşinams (PZ) « remind someone of » (→ 12.4.17.2.)
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12.3.7.5. goç’ondrun (PZ) ~ gvoç’ondrun (ÇM ~ AŞ)
~ goç’k’ondun (Centre)(HP) ~ gvoç’k’ondun (ÇX) « forget »
Example in the simple perfective :
Baba-sk’anis yoxo-şk’imi goç’ondru. (PZ) Your father has forgotten my name.
~ Baba-sk’ani yoxo-şk’imi gvoç’ondru. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Baba-skaniz (n)coxo-çkimi goç’k’ondu. (Centre)(HP)
~ Baba-skanis coxo-çkimi gvoç’k’ondu. (ÇX)
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● Cf. EA actional verbs « try to forget » (→ 12.4.13.2.)
goiç’ondrinams (West)
~ goiç’k’ondinams (FN)
~ goiç’k’endinams (AH)
~ goiç’k’endinaps (Est)
● Cf. Verbs of enticement « lead someone to forget » (*)
EDA verb of enticement (→ 12.6.1.1.)
guç’ond(r)inams (PZ)(AŞ, a part)
EDA verbs of enticement (→ 12.6.1.2.)
gvoç’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part)
goç’k’ondinapams (FN)
~ goç’k’endinapems (AH-Pilarget etc)
~ goç’k’endinapams (AH)
~ goç’kendinapaps (HP)
~ gvoç’k’endinapaps (ÇX)
(*) These verbs are not « causative » according to our definition. (→ 12.5.)
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12.3.7.6. mo3’ondun (West), mo3’ons/mo3’ondun (Centre・East) « like »
Example in the simple perfective (that expresses the present state) :
Yaşaris peyniri cet’iğaneri mo3’ondu. (PZ)
~ Yaşari vali cet’t’ağaneri mo3’ondu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Yaşariz k’vali get’ağane(r)i mo3’ondu. (Centre)
~ Yaşariz x’vali get’ağane(r)i mo3’ondu. (East)
« Yaşari like white cheese fondue in the frying-pan. »
peyniri (< turc peynir) : cheese
vali ~ k’vali ~ x’vali : cheese
cet’iğaneri ~ cet’t’ağaneri ~ get’ağane(r)i : cooked in the frying-pan
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● Cf. Verbs of enticement « lead someone to like something »
EDA verb of enticement mu3’ondrinams (PZ)(AŞ, a part) (→ 12.6.1.3.)
EDA verb of enticement mo3’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part)
~ mo3’ondinapams (Centre・East)
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12.3.8. DL evolutional verbs [dative subject, locative complement]
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12.3.8.1. ayanen (FN-partie est ~ ÇX) « he is behind his time »
Lumci m3ika axirişe oxtimuz dogayanazna pucepek mğorinite edgitunan. (AH-Lome) “If you are late for going to the (cow-)shed, cows rebel by mooing.”
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12.3.9. D.Dir evolutional verbs [dative subject, directive complement]
The conjugation of D.Dir evolutional verbs is monopersonal. We show here only the representative form. See chapter 13. “Verbs : Conjugation”
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12.3.9.1. calen (AŞ) ~ gyalen (FN) + (HP)
“he needs help of somone against whom he had revolted”
Xasaniz baba-muşişa gyalen. (FN)
“Xasani needs help of his father against whom he had revolted.”
● This verb is homophonous with the potential mood of the Aø actional verb culun ~ gyulun (he goes down vertically).
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12.3.10. D.Abl evolutional verbs [dative subject, ablative complement]
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12.3.10.1. aşk’urinen (PZ ~ AŞ) ~ aşkurinen (FN ~ ÇX) « he is afraid »
Aşe coğorişen aşkurinen do Xasani elayonen. (FN-Sumla)
“Ayşe is afraid of dogs and follows Hasan.”
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12.4. Actional verbs
12.4.1. øø actional verbs [no subject, no complement]
12.4.2. øD actional verbs I [no subject, dative complement,
12.4.3. øD actional verbs II [no subject, dative complement]
12.4.4. Cø actional verbs [cognate subject, no complement]
12.4.5. CD actional verbs I [cognate subject, dative complement]
12.4.6. CD actional verbs II [cognate subject, dative complement]
12.4.7. Aø actional verbs [absolutive sybject, no complement]
12.4.8. AD actional verbs I [absolutive subject, dative complement]
12.4.9. AD actional verbs II [absolutive subject, dative complement]
12.4.10. ADP actional verbs [absolutive subject, dative complement, predicate]
12.4.11. Eø actional verbs [ergative subject, no compelment]
12.4.12. EC actional verbs [ergative subject, cognate complement]
12.4.13. EA actional verbs [ergative subject, absolutive complement]
12.4.14. ED actional verbs I [ergative subject, dative complement]
12.4.15. ED actional verbs II [ergative subject, dative complement]
12.4.16. EDA actional verbs I [erg. subj., dative and absolutive compl.]
12.4.17. EDA actional verbs II [erg. subj., dative and absolutive compl.]
◘◘◘ Verbs with the mention “no complement” = verbs without obligatory complement. There may be optional adverbial complements in the locative case, directive case etc in the sentences constructed with these verbs.
Some Laz verbs govern obligatory locative complement. Categories like AL verbs, EAL verbs, EDAL verbs etc are necessary for more detailed classification. But, there are many cases where the locative complement is obligatory only if the verb is used with particular meaning. Further researches are necessary on this subject. ◘◘◘
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● In the greatest part of ergative languages, all verbs governing the subject in the ergative case are “transitive”, i.e. they govern also the “direct object complement”.
But in Laz language, there are a lot of verbs which are « intransitive » (= without obligatory complement) governing the subject in the ergative case !
●●● Among actional verbs, those which govern the dative complement or at least a complement have the bipersonal conjugation. (→ 13.)
● Most of Laz actional verbs have four fundamental moods : indicative, potential, impersonal and experiential. Each mood governs a peculiar sentence construction. Sole the forms of indicative mood are shown in this chapter. For other moods, see the next chapter. (→ 13.)
● Most of actional verbs have both imperfective and perfective aspects.
● Causative verbs derive from sole Eø and EA actional verbs. (→ 12.5.)
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12.4.1. øø actional verbs [no subject, no complement]
A very small number of verbs expressing the natural phenomena belong to this category. The verb, forming alone a complete sentence, takes the form of the 3rd person singular.
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12.4.1.1. gurgulams ~ ğurğulay (West)(FN) « it is thundering »
Gurgulams. (PZ) It is thundering.
~ Ğurğulay. (ÇM)
~ Gurgulay. (AŞ)
~ Gurgulams. (FN)
■■■ Verbs having neither affirmation profix nor preverb are generally accented on the penultimate. (1) The verb gurgulams is an exception to this rule. It is the initiale that is accented. Probably because the verb is onomatopoeic.
(1) On the antepenultimate in the imperfective present 3rd person plural.
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12.4.1.2. xon3un (FN-Sumla, AH・Est) « it is thundering »
Xon3un. (FN-SumlaAH・East) It is thundering.
● According to Nurdoğan Demir Abaşişi, inhabitant of Sumla, both gurgulams and xon3un are used in his village.
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12.4.1.3. 3’ap’ums (FN) ~ 3’ap’un (AH) ~ 3’ap’ums (HP) (1) « water is dropping »
3’ap’ums. (FN) Water is dropping.
~ 3’ap’un. (AH)
~ 3’ap’ums. (HP-P’eronit)
● Synonym : comç’ims (West) (→ 12.4.4.1. fin)
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12.4.2. øD actional verbs I [no subject, with dative complement]
pre-stem {i-/u-}
This article is empty for the moment.
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12.4.3. øD actional verbs II [no subject, with dative complement]
pre-stem {o-}
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12.4.3.1. comç’ims (West) øø/øD actional verb
1. øø actional verb “1. water is dropping ; 2. rain water is leaking through the roof”
Comç’ims. (PZ) 1. water is dropping
2. rain water is leaking through the roof
~ Comç’iy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
2. øD actional verb “water is dropping on someone”
Cemomç’ims. (PZ) Water is dropping on me.
~ Cemomç’iy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Cegomç’ims. (PZ) Water is dropping on you.
~ Cegomç’iy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Cemomç’iman. (1) (West) Water is dropping on us.
(1) The verbe is in the plural by agreeing in the number with the dative complement.
●●● In Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen, comç’iy has also a figurative sense.
Himu comç’iy. (ÇM) He is behaving absurdly.
~ Him comç’iy. (AŞ)
● Cf. Cø actional verb : mç’ims ~ mç’vips (→ 12.4.4.1.)
« it rains »
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12.4.3.2. gyomç’ims (Centre・East) øø/øD actional verb
1. øø actional verb “rain water is leaking through the roof”
Gyomç’ims. Rain water is leaking through the roof.
2. øD actional verb “rain water is dropping on someone through the roof”
Gemomç’ims. Rain water is dropping on me through the roof.
Gemomç’iman. Rain water is dropping on us through the roof.
● This verb takes smetimes the cognate subject. (→ 12.4.6. CD actional verb)
Oxoriz mç’ima gemomç’iman. In the house, rain water is dropping on us through the roof.
● Cf. Cø actional verb : mç’ims ~ mç’vips (→ 12.4.4.1.)
« it rains »
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12.4.4. Cø actional verbs [cognate subject, no complement]
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12.4.4.1. mç’ims (West・Centre・HP) ~ mç’vips (ÇX) « it rains »
Mç’ima mç’ims. (PZ) It rains.
~ Mç’ima mç’i(y). (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Mç’ima mç’ims. (Centre)
~ Mç’ima mç’ims. (HP)
/ Mç’ima mç’ips.
~ Mç’vima mç’vips. (ÇX)
● The verb can have a real subject in metaphorical expressions.
Di3xiri mç’ims. It “rains” blood. / The battle is bloody.
● Cf. øø/øD actional verb: (→ 12.4.3.1.)(→ 12.4.3.2.)
comç’ims (West) « water is dropping »
~ gyomç’ims (Centre・East) « rain water is leaking through the roof »
● Cf. CD actional verb : yomç’ims (Centre)(East) (→ 12.4.6.1.)
« rain water is falling on someone »
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12.4.4.2. mtums (West)(Centre) ~ mtun (AŞ-Dutxe) ~ mtups (East) « it snows »
Mturi mtums. (PZ) It snows.
~ Mtui mtuy. (ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit)
~ Mturi mtun. (AŞ-Dutxe)
~ Mturi mtuy. (AŞ)
~ Mtviri mtums. (Centre)
~ Mtvi(y)i mtups. (HP)
~ Mtviri mtups. (ÇX)
● The verbe can have a real subject in metaphorical expressions.
Kva mtums. It “rains” stones. / Stones are falling like rain.
In Laz, the verb mtums is used if it “rains” a solid body, and the verb mç’ims if it “rains” a liquid.
● Cf. CD actional verb : yomtvams (Centre)(East) (→ 12.4.6.2.)
« snow is falling on something or someone »
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12.4.5. CD actional verbs I [cognate subject, dative complement]
pre-stem {i-/u-}
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12.4.5.1. umtvams (Centre・East) CD/AD actional verb
1. CD actional verb : « (snow) falls for someone »
Mtviri mimtvams. (FN) It snows for me.
2. AD actional verb : « it rains (a solid matter) on someone »
Example in the simple perfective :
Tiz kva mimtu. (FN)(HP) It has rained stones on me.
tiz : ti (head): locative « at the head, on the head »
● Cf. yomtvams CD/AD actional verb (→ 12.4.6.2.)
● Cf. mtums « (snow) falls » Cø actional verb (→ 12.4.4.2.)
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12.4.6. CD actional verbs II [cognate subject, dative complement]
pre-stem {o-}
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12.4.6.1. yomç’ims (Centre)(East) « rain water is falling on something or someone »
Mç’ima (ma) emomç’ims. Rain water is falling on me.
Mç’ima (si) egomç’ims. Rain water is falling on you.
● A locative complement can be added to these sentences.
Mç’ima tiz emomç’ims. Rain water is falling on my head.
Mç’ima mxuciz egomç’ims. Rain water is falling on your shoulders.
Mç’ima hemuz cinikiz yomç’ims. Rain water is falling on his back.
●●● Yomç’ims can be an AD actional verb having a non-cognate subject.
Di3xiri emomç’ims. It rains blood on me.
● Cf. Cø actional verb : mç’ims (→ 12.4.4.1.)
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12.4.6.2. yomtvams (Centre)(East) « Snow is falling on something or someone »
Mtviri (ma) emomtvams. Snow is falling on me.
Mtviri (si) egomtvams. Snow is falling on you.
● A locative complement can be added to these sentences.
Mtviri tiz emomtvams. Snow is falling on my head.
Mtviri mxuciz egomtvams. Snow is falling on your shoulders.
Mtviri hemuz cinikiz yomtvams. Snow is falling on his back.
●●● Yomtvams can be an AD actional verb having a non-cognate subject.
Kva emomtvams. It rains stones on me.
● The preverb can be replaced by another one.
Mtviri dolomomtu. Snow has been fallen on me by entering
through the hole in the roof
(of the house or the tent)
● In western dialects, the verb comtvams corresponds to this verb.
Mturi (ma) cemomtvams. (PZ) Snow is falling on me.
~ Mturi (ma) cemomtvay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
● Cf. Cø actional verb : mtums (→ 12.4.4.2.)
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12.4.7. Aø actional verbs [absolutive subject, no complement]
[no complement = no obligatory complment]
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12.4.7.1. adven[2] « catch fire ; begin to burn »
Simple perfective :
Daçxur(i) adu. (West・Centre) It has caught fire.
~ Daçxiyi adu. (East)
Dişk’ape adves. (PZ) Logs (billets) have caught fire.
~ Dişk’ape advey. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Dişkape advez. (Centre・East)
● Homophones : adven[1] (→ 12.3.5.1.), adven[3] (→ 12.4.9.1.)
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12.4.7.2. dogutun (West) ~ dodgitun (Centre・East) « stop (being up) » (*)
Him ek’naş oğine dogutun. (PZ) He stops in front of the door.
~ Him nek’naş ogin(d)e dogutun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Heya nek’naş ogin(d)e dodgitun. (Centre)
~ Eya nek’naş oğinde dodgitun. (HP)
/ Eya nek’naş 3’oxle dodgitun.
~ İya nek’naş oğinde dodgitun. (ÇX)
/ İya nek’naş 3’oxle dodgitun.
(*) It is a polysemic verb.
Him Fransa dogutun. (AŞ) He is dwelling in France.
Him Sveta şk’ala dogutun. (AŞ) He cohabits with Sveta.
Ham din3xiri muten dodgitun ? (FN) “With what”(= how) will this blood stop ?
Ham bere çkimi k’ala k’ai dodgitun. (FN) This child is not shy with me.
● Cf. stative verb : dgun ~ dgin « be standing » (→ 12.2.1.2.)
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12.4.7.3. doxedun « sit down »
Musa k’ulis doxedun. (PZ) Musa sits down on the stool.
~ Musa k’uli doxedun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Musa oz*z*os doxedun. (FN)
~ Musa orz*os doxedun. (FN)(AH)
~ Musa tronis doxedun. (East)
■ The verb is accented on the initial, i.e. on the preverb {do-}(no apprent function).
● Cf. Aø stative verb xers (PZ) « be seated » (→ 12.2.1.3.)
~ xen (ÇM)(AŞ)(Centre)(East)
● Cf. EA actional verb doxunams « sit someone down ; set »
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12.4.7.5. inçanen (PZ) ~ niçanen (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ içanen (Centre・East) « fructify ; bear fruits »
Simple perfective (very often with affirmation profix) :
M3xuli (d)inçanu. (PZ) The pear-tree has born fruits.
~ M3xul(i) niçanu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ M3xul(i) (d)içanu. (Centre・East)
● Cf. Aø stative verb nçars (West) « has born fruits on the branches or stalks »
nçans ~ çans (Centre・East) (→ 12.2.1.5.)
● Cf. AD actional verb : naçanen « (fruits) grow (on a plant) »(→ 12.4.9.3.)
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12.4.7.6. dicinen (PZ) ~ dincinen (ÇM)(AŞ) « lie down ; go to bed »
Him oncires dicinen. (PZ) He lies down on the bed.
~ Him oncire dincinen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
■ Because of the presence of preverb, accent is on the initial of the verb.
● Cf. Aø stative verb : ncars (West) « be lying ; be sleeping » (→ 12.2.1.4.)
~ ncans ~ cans (Centre・East)
● Cf. Eø actional verb : incirs (→ 12.4.11.4.)
(West) « sleep »
(Centre・East) 1. lie down ; go to bed 2. sleep
● Cf. EA actional verb docinams (PZ) « lay down ; put to bed »
~ doncinams (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ dojinams (ÇM-Ğvant)
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12.4.7.7. t’roxun « be broken »
● In the perfective, the affirmation profix {do-} is very often affixed to this verb.
Example in the simple perfective :
Bardaği dot’roxu. The glass has been broken.
●●● This verb has a passive-like meaning. It nevertheless does not concern a passive voice. There is no specific form of passive voice in Laz. “The person who breaks” cannot be expressed in the sentence constructed with this verb.
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12.4.7.8. ulun « go »
Him noğaşe ulun. (PZ) He goes to the shopping street. (1)
/He is going to the shopping street.
~ Him noğaşa ulun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Heya noğaşa ulun. (Centre)
~ Eya noğaşa ulun. (HP)
~ İya noğaşa ulun. (ÇX)
●●● (1) Laz verbs have no progressive form. The “imperfective present” in Laz
corresponds to both “simple present” and “present progressive” in English. We give
scarcely two English versions for one Laz sentence. (This remark is not repeated every
time in this study.)
● A great number of verbs with preverb derive from this verb.
mulun (come), nulun ([West] come where the interlocutor is ; [Centre・East] go away, depart), amulun (enter), gamulun (go out), eyulun ~ yulun (go up vertically), culun ~ gyulun (go down vertically), elulun ~ ilulun (go up on a gentle slope in open space), eşk’ulun ~ eşulun ~ işulun (1. go up on a steep slope in open space ; 2. go out through an aperture located in the upper part of a narrow closed space), celulun ~ gelulun ~ gilulun (go down on a gentle slope), gulun (take a walk), k’oşk’ulun ~ goşulun ~ guşulun (pass between), meşk’ulun ~ meşulun ~ mişulun (enter into a closed space having horizontal depth), dolulun ~ dululun (go down into a closed space having vertical depth), ok’ulun (meet), mek’ulun [FN, AH, HP] (go to the other side of river), meyulun [FN, AH, HP] (go to the other side of river without going down to the water, i.e. by flying, jumping, crossing a bridge etc),・・・・・・
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12.4.8. AD actional verbs I [absolutive subject, with dative complement]
pre-stem {ø-}
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.8.1. menç’işun (West) ~ meç’işun (Centre・East) « overtake »
Xasani Alis menç’işun. (PZ) Xasani overtakes Ali.
Xasani Ali menç’işun. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Xasani Alis meç’işun. (Cente・East)
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12.4.8.2. moxvadun (Centre・East) « come across »
Example in the simple perfective :
Xasani gzas Xuseniz moxvadu. (Centre・East) Xasani came across Xuseni on the road.
● {mo-} : preverb without apparent function. It cannot be replaced by another one.
● Cf. nagen (→ 12.4.9.4.)
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12.4.9. AD actional verbs II [absolutive subject, with dative complement]
pre-stem {a-}
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.9.1. adven[3] « something belonging to someone catches fire »
Amedis guri adven. (PZ) Amedi’s heart becomes ardent.
~ Amedi guri adven. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Amediz gu(r)i adven. (Centre・East)
Ma guri madven. My heart becomes ardent.
● madven : {m-} = person marker of the dative complement (= proprietor of complement)
● Homophones : adven[1] (→ 12.3.5.1.), adven[2] (→ 12.4.7.1.)
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12.4.9.2. alen « go for the only purpose of seeing someone »
[This verb is not observed in all Laz speaking area. Further researches are necessary to clarify the distribution.]
Orhani Feridez alen. Orhani is going for the only purpose of seeing Feride.
● Imperfective present :
valer ~ baler I go for the only purpose of seeing someone
aler you go for the only purpose of seeing someone
alen he goes for the only purpose of seeing someone
● Homophone : alen « can go » (= potential mood of Aø actional verb ulun) (→ 13.6.)
malen I can go
galen you can go
alen he can go
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12.4.9.3. naçanen « (fruits) grow (on a plant) »
M3xulis at’amba var-naçanen. (PZ) Peaches do not grow on the pear-tree.
~ M3xuli at’amba var-naçanen. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ M3xuliz ant’ama var-naçanen. (Centre・East)
● Cf. Aø stative verb nçars (West) « has born fruits on the branches or stalks »
nçans ~ çans (Centre・East) (→ 12.2.1.5.)
● Cf. Aø actional verb inçanen (PZ) « fructify, bear fruits » (→ 12.4.7.5.)
niçanen (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ içanen (Centre・East)
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12.4.9.4. nagen « 1. come across ; 2. meet »
[A]
Xasani gzas Xusenis nagu. (PZ) Xasani came across Xuseni on the road.
~ Xasani gza Xuseni nagu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Xasani gzas Xuseniz nagu. (Centre・East)
[B]
Xasani Xusenis noğaşe nagu. (PZ)
Xasani Xuseni noğaşa nagu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Xasani Xuseniz noğaşa nagu. (Centre・East)
« Xasani went to the shopping street to meet Xuseni. »
● Cf. nagen (→ 12.4.9.4.)
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12.4.10. ADP actional verbs [absolutive subject, dative complement, predicate]
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12.4.10.1. malen ~ mvalen (West)
Xasanik ndğura na-mi3’upe ma ar m3ika u3xu momalu. (PZ-Cigetore)
Xasani huy-daya na-t’k’upe umcumeli momalu. (ÇM-Ğvant)
Xasani ndğura na-t’k’upe ma ar m3’ika garibi momalu. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)
Xasani mdğura na-t’k’upe a m3’ika t’evaffi momalu. (AŞ-Ortaalan)
« What Xasani said a few minutes ago seems to me a little strange. »
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12.4.10.2. muxtams ~ muxtaps (Centre・East)
Xasanik mdğora na-mi3’upe a m3ika t’uafi momixtu. (FN-Ç’anapet)
Xasanik mdğora na-tku nenape a m3ika garibi momixtu. (FN-Sumla)
Xasanik ndğora na-tkupe ma m3ika garibi momixtu. (AH-Lome)
« What Xasani said a few minutes ago seems to me a little strange. »
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12.4.11. Eø actional verbs [ergative subject, no complement]
In the greatest number of ergative languages, all verbs governing the subject in the ergative case are « transitive » i.e. they govern also at least one complement.
It is not the case of Laz language. A signifcant number of Laz verbs governing the subject in the ergative case are « intransitive » i.e. they do not govern any complement.
● In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin, where the markers of ergative and dative cases have disappeared, the fused oblique case appears in the place of ergative case.
● In the dialects of Ardeşen, the fused oblique case has more or less fused with the absolutive case in a large number of villages and hamlets. And the « hyperabsolutive » case appears in the place of ergative.
◘◘◘ Verbs with the mention “no complement” = verbs without obligatory complement. There may be optional adverbial complements in the locative case, directive case etc in the sentences constructed with these verbs. ◘◘◘
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12.4.11.1. ğarğalaps ~ ğağalaps (HP)(ÇX) « speak »
Emuk Lazuri ğarğalaps. (HP)(ÇX) He speaks Laz.
~ Emuk Lazuri ğağalaps. (HP-Sarp)
● Lazuri is an adverb meaning « in Laz ».
● ğarğalams (West, a part) (of babies) prattle
(Centre) vociferate
■ Accent is on the initial as it is the case of all onomatopoeic verbs.
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12.4.11.2. ibgars « weep, cry »
Himuk ibga(r)s. (PZ) He is weeping.
~ Himu ibgay. (ÇM)
~ Him ibgay. (AŞ)
~ Heyak ibga(r)s. (FN)
~ Hemuk ibga(r)s. (AH)
~ Emuk ibga(r)s. (East)
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12.4.11.3. igorams (West)(Centre) « rap out an oath by talking to oneself »
K’oçik igorams. (PZ) The man is rapping an oath by talking to himself.
~ K’oçi igoray. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ K’oçik igorams. (Centre)
● Synonym (HP) : Eø actional verb geik’itxams ~ geik’itxaps (1)(2)
K’oçik geik’itxams. (HP-P’eronit)
~ K’oçik geik’itxaps. (HP) « The man is rapping out an oath by talking to himself. »
(1) This information has been given by Ramiz Bekaroğlu, native of Hopa.
(2) In Fındıklı, the verbe geik’itxams means « ask questions in detail ».
● Cf. ED actional verb : ogorams « rap out an oath against someone » (→ 12.4.15.10.)
● Cf. Eø actional verb : meyiçams/meiçams « curse by talking to oneself »
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12.4.11.4. incirs (West) « sleep » ; (Centre・East) « 1. lie down ; go to bed 2. sleep »
Berek inci(r)s. (PZ) The child is going to sleep.
~ Bere inciy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Berek inci(r)s. (Centre)(East) 1. The child lies down./ The child is going to bed.
2. The child is going to sleep.
● Cf. Dø stative verb: anciren « be sleepy » (→ 12.2.3.1.)
● Cf. Aø stative verb : ncars (West) « be lying down ; be sleeping » (→ 12.2.1.4.)
~ (n)cans (Centre・East)
● Cf. Aø actional verb : dicinen (PZ) « lie down ; go to bed » (→ 12.4.7.6.)
~ dincinen (ÇM)(AŞ)
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12.4.11.5. inçirs (PZ) ~ imçirs (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ imçvirs (FN)(AH) ~ imçviroms (AH) ~ imçvirs (East) « swim »
Layç’ik inçirs. (PZ) The dog is swimming.
~ Laç’ç’i imçiy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Coğo(r)ik imçvirs. (FN)(AH)
~ Coğo(r)ik imçviroms. (AH)
~ Coğoik imçvirs. (East)
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12.4.11.6. ilak’irdams (ÇM) « speak »
Himu Lazuri ilak’irday. (ÇM) He speaks Laz.
Hamu Lazuri ilak’irdams-i ? (ÇM) Does he (*) speak Laz ?
(*) word-for-word : “this one”
● Lazuri is an adverb meaning « in Laz ».
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12.4.11.7. isinapams (AŞ)(FN) « speak »
Him Lazuri isinapay. (AŞ) He speaks Laz.
~ Heyak Lazuri isinapams. (FN)
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12.4.11.8. ip’aramitams (AH) « speak »
Hemuk Lazuri ip’aramitams. (AH) He speaks Laz.
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12.4.11.9. ixap’ars (PZ) « speak »
Himuk Lazuri ixap’ars. (PZ) He speaks Laz.
● This verb means « vociferate » in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen.
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12.4.11.10. msk’ums (West) ~ skums (Centre・East) « lay eggs »
Ham kormek k’at’a ndğas msk’ums. (PZ) This hen lays eggs every day.
~ Ham korme iri ndğa msk’uy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ham kotumek k’at’a ndğaz skums.(Centre)
~ Am kotumek k’at’a ndğaz skups. (East)
● Unlike the English verb « lay », the Laz verb msk’ums ~ skums does not govern any
complement. The word makvali (egg) has no place in the sentence which is constructed
by this verb meaning by itself « lay eggs ». (*)
(*) The Laz word meaning “egg” is prononced [makwali] in Pazar and [makfali] in Fındıklı. The /v/ and /f/ phonemes are neutralized after any consonant in Laz. In this position, they form together /v-f/ archiphoneme. The latter is realized, according to the region, as [v], [f] or [w].
The Laz alphabet we use in this study is phonematic and common to all dialects. Therefore, we write always makvali whichever is the real prononciation.
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12.4.12. EC Actional verbs [ergative subject, cognate complement]
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12.4.12.1. isk’urinams ~ işk’urinay (West) “he dries himself”
Laç’i, “3’ari bisk’urinare” deyi goipatxay. (AŞ)
“The dog is trembling in order to dry himself of water.”
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12.4.13. EA actional verbs [ergative subject, absolutive complement]
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12.4.13.1. ç’ums « burn something »
Himuk dişk’a ç’ums. (PZ) He burns firewood.
~ Himu dişk’a ç’uy. (ÇM)
~ Him dişk’a ç’uy. (AŞ)
~ Heyak dişka ç’ums. (FN)
~ Hemuk dişka ç’ums. (AH)
~ Emuk dişka ç’ups. (East)
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12.4.13.2. goiç’ondrinams (West) ~ goiç’k’ondinams (FN) ~ goiç’k’endinams (AH・East)
« forget intentionally » i.e.
1. try to forget (something painful)
2. forget by attaching no importance
İsmailik Leyla goiç’ondrinams. (PZ) İsmaili try to forget Leyla.
~ İsmaili Leyla goiç’ondrinay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ İsmailik Leyla goiç’k’ondinams. (FN)
~ İsmailik Leyla goiç’k’endinams. (AH)
~ İsmailik Leyla goiç’k’endinaps. (Est)
● The preverb {go-} of this verb is « without apparent function ». It cannot be replaced.
●●● The morpheme {-in} of this verb is « without apparent function ». It is
homophonous with one of derivational suffixes forming causative verbs.
● Cf. DA evolutional verbs « forget (naturally) » (→ 12.3.7.4.)
goç’ondrun ~ gvoç’ondrun (West)
goç’k’ondun (Centre)(HP)
~ gvoç’k’ondun (ÇX)
● Cf. EDA verb of enticement « lead someone to forget sth. » (→ 12.6.1.1.)
guç’ond(r)inams (PZ)(AŞ, a part)
● Cf. EDA verbs of enticement « lead someone to forget sth.» (→ 12.6.1.2.)
gvoç’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part)
goç’k’ondinapams (FN)
~ goç’k’endinapems (AH-Pilarget etc)
~ goç’k’endinapams (AH)
~ goç’k’endinapaps (HP)
~ gvoç’k’endinapaps (ÇX)
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12.4.13.3. goişinams « think of »
Xasanik ğoma na-moxt’u k’oçi goişinams. (PZ)
~ Xasani ğoma na-moxt’u k’oçi goişinay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Xasanik ğoma na-moxtu k’oçi goişinams. (Centre)
~ Xasinik ğoman na-moxtu k’oçi goişinaps. (East)
« Xasani thinks of the man who came here yesterday. »
● The preverb {go-} is here « without apparent function ». It cannot be replaced.
●●● The conjugation of this verb is bipersonal except in Pazar, Çamlıhemşin and a part
of Ardeşen where it is monopersonal. See the chapter of « Verbs : Conjugation ».
(→ 13.5.)
● Cf. DA stative verb şun « have something in remembrance » (→ 12.2.4.11. )
~ şuns
● Cf. DA evolutional verb gvaşinen « remember » (→ 12.3.7.4.)
~ gaşinen
● Cf. EDA actional verb gvoşinams « remind someone of» (→ 12.4.17.1.)
~ goşinams
● Cf. EDA actional verb guşinams (PZ)« remind someone of » (→ 12.4.17.2.)
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12.4.13.4. icoxams (Centre) ~ icoxaps (HP) ~ icoxops (ÇX)
« call someone without knowing where he is » or
« call an indefinite person »
Yaşarik “Kemali, Kemali” ya do icoxams. (Centre)
Yaşari calls : « Kemali, Kemali », without knowing where the latter is.
● Synonym : EA actional verb iyoxams (West) (→ 12.4.13.7.)
● Cf. noun ncoxo (FN) ~ coxo (AH)(East) « name »
● Cf. EDø actional verb ucoxams (Centre) ~ ucoxops (East) (→ 12.4.15.5.)
« call a definite person »
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12.4.13.5. içinams (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)(Centre), içinams ~ içinaps ~ içinops (East)
In the imperfective : « know someone »
In the perfective : « recognize someone »
In the imperfective :
Kenanik Şeneri içinams. (PZ) Kenani knows Şeneri.
~ Kenani Şeneri içinay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Kenanik Şeneri içinams. (Centre)
~ Kenanik Şeneri içinaps. (East)
/ Kenanik Şeneri içinops.
In the simple perfective :
Kenanik Şeneri içinu. (PZ) Kenani recognized Şeneri.
~ Kenani Şeneri içinu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Kenani Şeneri içinu. (Centre・East)
In the simple perfective negative :
Kenanik Şeneri var-içinu. (PZ) Kenani did not recognize Şeneri.
~ Kenani Şeneri var-içinu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Kenanik Şeneri var-içinu. (Centre・East)
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12.4.13.6. it’urs (West) « say »
Esmak p’anda “Domanç’inu” ya do it’urs. (PZ)
~ Esma irote “Domanç’inu” deyi it’uy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Esma says always : « I am tired. »
domanç’inu : Dø evolutional verb dvanç’inen (be tired). simple perfective, first pers. sg.
● Synonyms → 12.4.13.12., 12.4.13.14.
● Cf. u3’omers ~ u3’umers ~ u3’umars (→ 12.4.17.8.)
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12.4.13.7. iyoxams (West)
« call someone without knowing he is »
« call an indefinite person »
Yaşarik “Kemali, Kemali” ya do iyoxams. (PZ)
~ Yaşari “Kemali, Kemali” deyi iyoxay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Yaşari alls : « Kemali, Kemali » without knowing where the latter is.
● Synonym : EA actional verb icoxams (Centre) ~ icoxaps (HP) ~ icoxops (ÇX) (→ 12.4.13.4.)
● Cf. EDø actional verbs : uyoxams (→ 12.4.15.8.), ucoxams (→ 12.4.15.5.)
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12.4.13.8. moigorams
(PZ) « visit someone (for business etc)»
(AŞ) (FN-Ç’anapet) « visit someone for a short time (to see a sick person etc) »
Ayşek Emine p’anda moigorams. (PZ) Ayşe visits Emine always.
Ayşe Emine hay moigoray. (AŞ) Ayşe is now visiting Emine for a short time.
Ç’umanişe Ayşek Emine moigorams. (FN-Ç’anapet)
« Ayşe (will) visit Emine tomorrow for a short time. »
● The preverb {mo-} is here without apparent function. It cannot be replaced.
● Synonym : elvakten (AŞ)(→ 13.5.1.1.2.)
● According to Seçkin Yeniçırak, native of Çamlıhemşin-Ğvant, elvakten is, in the
dialelect of his village, an ADø actional verb meanıng « refrain fron doing something in
order not to disturb ». « Visit » is expressed by another verb, golvakten.
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12.4.13.9. nç’arums (West)(FN) ~ ç’arums (AH)(East) « write »
Doğanik ar çitabi nç’arums. (PZ) Doğani is writing a book.
~ Doğani ar çitabi nç’aruy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Doğanik ar kitabi nç’a(r)ums. (FN)
~ Doğanik ar kitabi ç’a(r)ums. (AH)
~ Doğanik ar kitabi ç’a(r)ups. (HP)(ÇX)
çitabi ~ kitabi : book < Turkish kitap < Arabic kitab
● Cf. EDA actional verb : unç’arams ~ uç’arams ~ uç’araps (→ 12.4.17.7.)
« write for someone else »
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12.4.13.10. oncirams « put someone to sleep »
Eminek bere-muşi oncirams. (PZ) Emine puts her child to sleep.
~ Emine bere-muşi onciray. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Eminek bere-muşi oncirams. (Centre)
~ Eminek bere-muşi onciraps. (East)
The verb bigins by the pre-stem vowel {o-}.
● Cf. Eø actional verb : incirs (→ 12.4.11.4.)
(West) « sleep »
(Centre・East) 1. lie down ; go to bed 2. sleep
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12.4.13.11. oşk’urinams (West) ~ oşkurinams (Centre・East) « frighten ; terrify »
Mç’apuk ma moşk’urinams. (PZ) Jackal terrifies me.
~ Mç’apu ma moşk’urinay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Mky’apuk ma moşkurinams. (Centre)
~ Mky’apuk ma moşkurinaps. (East)
● The morpheme {m-} at the initial of the verb indicates that the absolutive
complement is the first person.
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12.4.13.12. tkumers (HP) ~ tkumars (ÇX) « say »
Esmak p’ant’a “Domaç’k’indu” ya tkumers. (HP)
~ Esmak p’ant’a “Domaç’k’indu” ya tkumars. (ÇX)
Esma says always : « I am tired. »
domaç’k’indu : Dø evolutional verb daç’k’inden/dvaç’k’inden (be tired).
simple perfective, first pers. sg.
● Synonyms : → 12.4.13.6., 12.4.13.14.
● Cf. u3’omers ~ u3’umers ~ u3’umars (→ 12.4.17.8.)
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12.4.13.13. t’axums « break, crack, chop »
Ayhanik makvali t’axums. (PZ) Ayhani is breaking eggs.
~ Ayhani makvali t’axuy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ayhanik makvali t’axums. (Centre)
~ Ayhanik makvali t’axups. (East)
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◘◘◘ makvali ~ makwali ~ makfali (egg) ◘◘◘
The Laz word meaning “egg” is prononced [makwali] in Pazar and [makfali] in Fındıklı. The /v/ and /f/ phonemes are neutralized after any consonant in Laz. In this position, they form together /v-f/ archiphoneme. The latter is realized, according to the region, as [v], [f] or [w].
The Laz alphabet we use in this study is phonematic and common to all dialects. Therefore, we write always makvali whichever is the real prononciation.
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12.4.13.14. zop’ons (Centre) « say »
Esmak p’anda “Domaç’k’inu” ya zop’ons. (FN-Ç’anapet)
~ Esmak p’anda “Domaç’k’indu” ya zop’ons. (FN)(AH)
Esma says always : « I am tired. »
domaç’k’inu/domaç’k’indu : Dø evolutional verb daç’k’inden (be tired).
simple perfective, first pers. sg.
● Synonyms → 12.4.13.6., 12.4.13.12.
● Cf. u3’omers ~ u3’umers ~ u3’umars (→ 12.4.17.8.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.14. ED actional verbs I [ergative subject, with dative complement]
pre-stem {ø-}
● ED actional verbs have no potential, impersonal and experiential moods. There is no causative verb deriving from them.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.14.1. ceçams (West) « strike ; beat » ~ geçams (Centre・East) « strike ; wound »
Simple perfective :
Orhanik İsmailis ceçu. (PZ) Orhani striked İsmaili.
~ Orhani İsmaili ceçu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Orhanik İsmailiz geçu. (Centre・East) Orhani wounded İsmaili.
● The preverb {ce-} ~ {ge-} of this verb is more idiomatic than « without apparent
function ». It cannot be replaced by other preverbs.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
●●● It is impossible to guess, from their morphemes, the meaning of Laz verbs having the stem {-ç-}.
çams nourish, give to eat
gelaçams (Centre) (East) play (a musical instrument)
meçams give
meyoçams/meoçams curse
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.14.2. meşonums ~ meşonuy (West) « expect someone »
Fadimek Amedis meşonums. (PZ) Fadime expects Amedi.
~ Fadime Amedi meşonuy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
● The preverb {me-} of this verb is without apparent function. It cannot be replaced by other preverbs.
●●● Example of construction with a quotation :
Fadimek “Amedi moxt’asere” ya do meşonums. (PZ, western and central parts)
~ Fadimek “Amedi moxt’asen” ya do meşonums. (PZ, eastern part)
~ Fadime “Amedi moxt’asen” ya do meşonuy. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Fadime expects : « Amedi will come. »
●●● Because of its durative meaning, this verb has no perfective form.
(Unlike stative verbs, it governs the subject in the ergative case and the
complement in the dative case. Its conjugation is bipersonal.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.14.3. meşvens (Centre・Est) « expect someone »
Fadimek Amediz meşvens. (Centre・Est) Fadime expects Amedi.
● The preverb {me-} of this verb is without apparent function. It cannot be replaced by other preverbs.
●●● Example of construction with a quotation :
Fadimek “Amedi moxtasen” ya do meşvens.
Fadime expects : « Amedi will come. »
●●● Because of its durative meaning, this verb has no perfective form.
(Unlike stative verbs, it governs the subject in the ergative case and the
complement in the dative case. Its conjugation is bipersonal.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.14.4. oroms (Centre) ~ x’orops (East) « love »
Fatulak Aytekiniz oroms. (Centre) Fatula loves Aytekini.
~ Fatulak Aytekiniz x’orops. (East)
●●● Because of its durative meaning, this verb has only imperfective forms.
(However, unlike stative verbs, it governs the subject in the ergative case and the
complement in the dative case. Its conjugation is bipersonal.)
● Cf. DA stative verb : aoropen[1] (→ 12.2.4.4.)
● Cf. DA evolutional verb : aoropen[2] ~ ax’oropen (→ 12.3.7.2.)
● Cf. EA verb of enticement : ioropinams ~ (n)ix’oropinaps (→ 12.6.2.1.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15. ED actional verbs II [ergative subject, with dative complement]
pre-stem {a-}{i-/u-}{o-}
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.1. abgars ~ (n)amgars (HP) « cry in order that someone hear »
Berek nana-muşis abgars. (PZ)
~ Bere nana-muşi abgars. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Berek nana-muşiz abgars. (Centre)
~ Berek nana-muşiz namgars. (HP)
« The child is crying in order that his mother hear him. »
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.2. nacoxen (Centre・East) « call on a person at a house »
Amedik p’anda Cemaliz nacoxen. (FN) Amedi call on Cemali always at his house.
~ Amedik iyya Cemaliz nacoxen. (AH)
~ Amedik p’ant’a Cemaliz nacoxen. (East)
● Synonym with the preverb {ela-}>{ele-}{el-} : elacoxen (*)
An example of this verb is shown below in the future, with subject 3rd person singular,
dative complement 2nd person singular.
Ferat’i si elegacoxasen. (FN-Ç’anapet) Ferat’i is going to call you at your house.
(*) according to Musa Karaalioğlu, native of Ç’anapet.
● Other synonyms :
(PZ) moigorams (EA actional verb)(1) [{mo-} without apparent function]
(ÇM) golvakten (ADø actional verb) [{golv-}<{gola-} “far”]
(AŞ) elvakten (ADø actional verb)(2) [{elv-}<{ela-} “on a side”]
(Centre) mointfalams (EA actional verb)(f) [{mo-} without apparent function]
(Est) ~ mointfals (f)
● Cf. : « visit a sick person for a short time » (*)
(AH) gointfalams (EA actional verb)(f) [{go-} without apparent function]
Handğa zabuni gobintfalit. (AH) We visited today a sick person for a short time.
(*) according to the information given by Osman Büyüklü, native of Arhavi.
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●●● (f)
In Laz, the /v/ and /f/ phonemes are neutralized after any consonant. The archiphoneme is realized, with important variation from a region to another, as [v], [f] or [w] according to the nature of the preceding consonant. In this study, the /v-f/ archiphoneme is written as a rule by the letter “v” whichever is its realisation. However, we have preserved the letter “f” in the words mointfalams, mointfals and gointfals in order to respect the original orthography of written information given by our Laz friends.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(1) moigorams means :
1. (AŞ) « visit for a short time to see a sick person or to give greetings »
2. (FN-Ç’anapet) « visit a sick person » according to Musa Karaalioğlu
Cumadi-çkimi zabuni ren. Ç’umanişe heya mobigorare.
« My uncle is sick. I will visit him tomorrow. »
(2) elvakten means : (ÇM-Ğvant)
« refrain from doing something in order not to disturb » according to Seçkin Yeniçırak.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.3. naonen (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ naonams (AŞ)(Centre) « accompany »
Emine Mustafa naonen. (ÇM)(AŞ) Emine accompanies Mustafa.
~ Eminek Mustafaz naonams. (Centre)
● The preverb {me-}({n-} before vowel) is without apparent function. It cannot be
replaced by {mo-} even if the dative complement is the first person.
● Another preverb can replace {me-} of this verb.
ek’aonen (AŞ) ~ ek’aonams (AŞ)(FN) « follow someone »
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.4. nuşvelams (West)(FN) ~ nuşvels (AH)(East) « help, assist someone »
Ayhanik baba-muşis nuşvelams. (PZ) Ayhani assists his father.
~ Ayhani baba-muşi nuşvelay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ayhanik baba-muşiz nuşvelams. (FN)
~ Ayhanik baba-muşiz nuşvels. (AH)(East)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.5. ucoxams (Centre) ~ ucoxops (East) « call a definite person»
İhsanik Turgutiz ucoxams. (Centre) İhsani calls Turguti.
~ İhsanik Turgutiz ucoxops. (East)
● Cf. noun ncoxo (FN) ~ coxo (AH)(East) « name »
~ yoxo (West)
● Cf. DA stative verb coxons (AH)(East) « be named » (→ 12.2.4.6.)
● Cf. EA actional verb icoxams (Centre) (→ 12.4.13.4.)
« call someone without knowing where he is »
« call an indefinite person »
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.6. uxap’ars (PZ) « talk to someone »
Yaseminik Uğuriz uxap’ars. (PZ) Yasemini talks to Uğuri.
● Synonyms : EDø actional verbs ulak’irdams (ÇM)
usinapams (AŞ)(FN)
up’aramitams (AH)
uğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)
uğağalaps (HP-Sarp)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.7. uyondrams (West)
1. (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) « wait for someone definite »
2. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) « go forward and wait for someone who will overtake » (*)
Xasanik nana-muşis uyondrams. (PZ) Xasani is waiting for his mother.
Xasani nana-muşi uyondray. (ÇM)(AŞ)
1. (ÇM)(AŞ) “Xasani is waiting for his mother.”
2. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) “Xasani goes and waits for his mother who will overtake him.” (*)
● Cf. Eø actional verb iyondrams (West) « wait for someone indefinite »
● Cf. EA actional verb mç’eşums 1. (PZ) « shadow, follow »
2. (ÇM)(AŞ) « tend (a shop, a flock) »
3. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)« wait for someone » (*)
(*) According to Tahsin Ocaklı, native of Ok’ordule. Besides he informs us that the
ED actional verb no3’en (look at) means also “tend” in the dialect of his village.
● Cf. EA actional verb çumers (Centre・East) « wait for someone » (→ 13.5.1.1.2.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.8. uyoxams ~ uoxams (West) « call a definite person »
İhsanik Turgutis uyoxams. (PZ) İhsani calls Turguti.
~ İhsani Turguti uoxay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
● Cf. noun yoxo (West) « name »
~ coxo (Centre)(East)
● Synonym : EDø actional verb ucoxams (→ 12.4.15.4.)
● Cf : EA actional verbs iyoxams (→ 12.4.13.7.), icoxams (→ 12.4.13.4.)
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
●●● /c/ → ø → /y/
In case of disparition of consonant (1) or consonantal group (2) during phonetical
evolution, the apparition of the consonant /y/ [j] as prothesis, epenthesis and epithesis is
widely observed in all Laz dialects. (→ 22.2.)
(1) ex. /x’/ in western and central dialects.
(2) ex. /-ms/ on the final : disparition is occasional in Pazar, but systematical in the
dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.9. coç’ams (West) ~ co3’ams (AD-Ortaalan)(1) ~ gyoç’k’ams (Centre・East)
« bigin »
Himuk dulyas coç’ams. (PZ) He begins the work.
~ Himu dulya coç’ay. (ÇM)
~ Him, dulya coç’ay. (AŞ)
~ Him, dulya co3’ay. (AŞ-Ortaalan)(1)
~ Heyak dulyaz gyoç’k’ams. (FN)
~ Hemuk dulyaz gyoç’k’ams. (AH)
~ Emuk dulyaz gyoç’k’aps. (Est)
● (1) According to the information given by Sedat Alptekin, native of Ardeşen-
Ortaalan, the verb is pronounced co3’ay (co3’ams-i ? in the interrogative) in his village.
The Ortaalan village has no Laz name. “Ortaalan” means “central place” in Turkish.
● The {c-} and {gy-} morphemes, at the initial of the verb, are combinatory variants of
the preverb {ce-} ~ {ge-} before the pre-stem vowel {o-}. The preverb, without
apparent function, cannont be replaced by other preverbs.
● The pre-stem vowel of this verb cannont be replaced by other vowels.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.10. ogorams (West)(Centre) « rap out an oath against someone »
Xasanik k’oçis ogorams. (PZ) Xasani is rapping out an oath against the man.
~ Xasani k’oçi ogoray. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Xasanik k’oçiz ogorams. (Centre)
● Synonym (HP) : ED actional verb gyok’itxams ~ gyok’itxaps (1)(2)
Xasanik Xuseniz gyok’itxams. (HP-P’eronit)
~ Xasanik Xuseniz gyok’itxaps. (HP)
« Xasani is rapping out an oath against Xuseni. »
(1) This information has been given by Ramiz Bekaroğlu, native of Hopa.
(2) According to Osman Büyüklü, native of Arhavi, the verb gyok’itxams means
« speak ill of someone » in Arhavi.
● Cf. Eø actional verb : igorams « rap out an oath talking to oneself » (→ 12.4.11.3.)
● Cf. ED actional verb : meyoçams/meoçams « curse »
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.15.11. no3’ers (PZ) ~ no3’en (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ o3’k’en (Centre) ~ o3’k’en/o3’kers (East)
« look at »
Ayşek yalis no3’ers. (PZ) Ayşe looks at the mirror.
~ Ayşe yali no3’en. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ayşek yaliz o3’k’en. (Centre)
~ Ayşek yaliz o3’k’en. (East)
/Ayşek yaliz o3’k’ers.
● The preverb {me-} ({n-} before vowel), observed only in western variants, is without
apparent function. It cannot be replaced by {mo-} even if the eyes are directed towards
the first person.
● The pre-stem vowel {o-} of this verb is without apparent function.
● The direction of eyes can be specified by adding preverbs :
In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen : dolo3’en (look at the bottom of a closed space having vertical depth), meşk’o3’en (look at the interior of a closed space having horizontal depth), ela3’en (look at the upper part of an incline), cela3’en (look at the lower part of an incline) etc
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.16. EDA actional verbs I
[ergative subject, with dative complement and absolutive complement]
pre-stem {ø-}
● EDA actional verbs have no potential and experiential moods. There is no causative verb deriving from them.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.16.1. meçams « give »
●●● The preverb {me-}(“by moving off from the speaker”) is replaced by {mo-}(“toward the speaker”) if the dativecomplement is the first person.
Omerik Aydinis ombri meçams. (PZ) Omeri gives plums toAydini.
~ Omeri Aydini ombri meçay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Omerik Aydiniz ombri meçams. (FN)
~ Omerik Aydiniz omuri meçams. (AH)
~ Omerik Aydiniz x’omuri meçaps. (East)
Omerik si ombri mekçams. (PZ) Omeri gives you plums.
~ Omeri si ombri mekçay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Omerik si ombri mekçams. (FN)
~ Omerik si omuri mekçams. (AH)
~ Omerik si x’omuri mekçaps. (East)
Omerik ma ombri momçams. (PZ) Omeri gives me plums.
~ Omeri ma ombri momçay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Omerik ma ombri momçams. (FN)
~ Omerik ma omuri momçams. (AH)
~ Omerik ma x’omuri momçaps. (East)
● The {-k-} and {-m-} morphemes, between preverb and stem, are the person markers
(respectively of the second and the first pers.) which agree with the complement in the
dative case. See the chapter of « Verbs : Conjugation ». (→ 13.5.)
● Cf. EDA actional verb niçams (→ next article)
● Cf. EDA actional verb nuçams (→ 12.4.17.3.)
______________________________________________________________________
Note : niçams EA actional verb
« make a present of s.th. in order to reap advantage for oneself »
This verb is reflexive variant of the preceding verb : the pre-stem vowel {ø-}(= absence) is replaced by {i-} which expresses that the action is done for oneself.
The conjugation is monopersonal. Locative complement may be shown facultatively.
Sabrik fakirepes cenç’areri niçams. (PZ)
~ Sabri fakirepe cenç’areri niçay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Sabrik fakirepez genç’are(r)i niçams. (FN)
~ Sabrik fakirepez geç’are(r)i niçams. (AH)
~ Sabrik fakirepez geç’are(r)i niçaps. (East)
« Sabri gives money to poor people (by expecting to go to heaven). »
cenç’areri ~ genç’areri ~ geç’areri :
1. participle of the verb cenç’arums ~ genç’arums ~ geç’arums (note down, write
notes) : « noted down » « having notes »
2. bank-note
● Cf. EDA actional verb meçams (→ preceding article)
● Cf. EDA actional verb nuçams (→ 12.4.17.3.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17. Actional verbs EDA II
[ergative subject, with dative complement and absolutive complement]
pre-stem {o-}{i-/u-}
● EDA actional verbs have no potential, impersonal or experiential moods.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.1. gvoşinams (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ goşinams (PZ)(AŞ-Dutxe) (Centre)(HP) ~ goşinaps (HP) ~ gvoşinaps (ÇX) « remind someone of something »
Him himu a mutxa gvoşinay. (ÇM-Ğvant)(AŞ-Ok’ordule) He reminds him something.
Heyak ma a muntxa gomoşinams. (FN) He reminds me something.
Hemuk si a muntxa gogoşinams. (AH) He reminds you something.
Emuk amuz a mutxani goşinaps. (HP) He reminds him something.
~ Emuk amus a mutxani gvoşinaps. (ÇX)
● Synonym : EDA actional verb guşinams (PZ)(→ 12.4.17.2.)
● Cf. DA stative verb şun ~ şuns « have something in remembrance » (→ 12.2.4.11. )
● Cf. DA evolutional verb gvaşinen « remember » (→ 12..4.3.4.)
~ gaşinen
● Cf. EA actional verb goişinams « think of » (→ 12.4.13.3.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.2. guşinams (PZ) « remind someone of something »
Mç’ita porçak Arifis Nazimiye guşinams. (PZ)
« Red chemise remind Arifi of Nazimiye. »
● Synonym : EDA actional verb gvoşinams ~ goşinams (→ 12.4.17.1.)
● Cf. DA stative verb şun ~ şuns (→ 12.2.4.11. )
« have something in remembrance »
● Cf. DA evolutional verb gvaşinen « remember » (→ 12..4.3.4.)
~ gaşinen
● Cf. EA actional verb goişinams « think of » (→ 12.4.13.3.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.3. nuçams
1. « give what belongs to someone else » 2. « give instead of someone »
Yusufik nana-muşis elektrik-para nuçams. (PZ)
~ Yusufi nana-muşi elektrik-para nuçay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Yusufik nana-muşiz elektrik-para nuçams. (Centre)
~ Yusufik nana-muşiz elektrik-para nuçaps. (East)
« Yusufi pays the electric charges instead of his mother. » (1)
para ~ pere : money < Turkish para
●●● (1) This sentence explains « instead of whom he pays » and not « to whom he pays ».
● Cf. EDA actional verb meçams (→ 12.4.16.1.)
● Cf. EDA actional verb niçams (→ 12.4.16.1. Note)
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.4. nuk’vatams
« 1. cut what belongs to someone else » « 2. cut instead of someone else »
İsmak beres bu3xa nuk’vatams. (PZ) İsma is cutting child’s nails.
~ İsma bere bu3xa nuk’vatay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ İsmak berez bu3xa nuk’vatams. (Centre)
~ İsmak berez bu3xa nuk’vataps. (East)
● Cf. k’vatums 1. Eø actional verb « be sharp, keen »
2. EA actional verb « cut »
mek’vatums EA actional verb « cut a part of a thing »
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.5. nuncğonams « send (an inanimate) »
Ebruk Turgayis Cumalişi mail-adresi nuncğonams. (PZ)
~ Ebru Turgayi Cumalişi mail-adresi nuncğonay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ebruk Turgayiz Cumalişi mail-adresi nuncğonams. (Centre)
~ Ebruk Turgayiz Cumalişi mail-adresi nuncğonaps. (East)
« Ebru sends Cumali’s e-mail address to Turgayi. »
● The preverb {me-}({n-} before vowel) is replaced by {mo-}(“toward the speaker”)
if the addressee or consignee is the speaker.
Ebruk ma Cumalişi mail-adresi momincğonams. (PZ)
~ Ebru ma Cumalişi mail-adresi momincğonay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Ebruk ma Cumalişi mail-adresi momincğonams. (Centre)
~ Ebruk ma Cumalişi mail-adresi momincğonaps. (East)
“Ebru sends me Cumali’s e-mail address.”
● This verb has no form having the pre-stem vowel {ø-}.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.6. uncirams « 1. lead someone who belongs to someone else to sleep »
« 2. lead someone to sleep instead of someone else»
Mehdik Aşelas bere uncirams. (PZ) Mehdi leads the child instead of Aşela.
Mehdi Aşela bere unciray. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Mehdik Aşelaz bere uncirams. (Centre)
Mehdik Aşelaz bere unciraps. (East)
● Cf. EA actional verb oncirams (→ 12.4.13.10.)
Mehdik Aşelaşi bere oncirams. Mehdi leads Aşela’s child to sleep.
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.7. unç’arams « 1. write something that is addressed to someone »
« 2. write instead of someone »
Bexak Ç’emus ar dest’ani unç’arams. (PZ)
Bexa Ç’emu ar dest’ani unç’aray. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Bexak Ç’emuz ar destani unç’arams. (FN)
Bexak Ç’emuz ar destani uç’arams. (AH)
Bexak Ç’emuz ar destani uç’araps. (East)
« 1. Bexa is writing a destani which is addressed to Ç’emu. »
« 2. Bexa is writing a destani instead of Ç’emu. »
dest’ani ~ destani : love-song
● Cf. EA actional verb nç’arums ~ ç’arums ~ ç’a(r)ups (→ 12.4.13.9.)
« write »
______________________________________________________________________
12.4.17.8. u3’omers (West) ~ u3’umers (Centre)(HP) (*) ~ u3’umars/u3’umars (ÇX) (***)
« talk to a definite person »
Musak mitis m3udi var-u3’omers. (PZ) Musa does not tell lies to anybody.
~ Musa miti m3udi var-u3’omey. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Musak mitiz m3udi var-u3’umers. (Centre)(East) (***)
●●● (*) u3’umels (FN-Sumela) :
According to late Nurdoğan Demir Abaşişi, native of Fındıklı-Sumela, the verb is
pronounced u3’umels in his village and surroundings. He published a collection of Laz
tales (“Lazuri P’aramitepe/ Laz Halk Masalları” Kolkhis, İstanbul, 2005) with this
spelling.
However, his book is not a faithful document of Sumela dialect.
He made no secret of the fact that he replaced loan words of Turkish origin by Laz
words that he founded in the “Laz-Turkish dictionary” (Istanbul, 1999) written by İsmail
Avcı Bucaklişi and Hasan Uzunhasanoğlu in order to “lazify” his text. His objective was
to transmit a maximum of laz vocabulary to the future generations. He nevertheless
ought to know that the dictionary contains, alas, not only numberless mistakes but also a
lot of “words” and “meanings” that are fabricated out of nothing.
● (***) The author of present study observed at Çxala the form u3’umers while he was expecting to find the multifunctional suffix {-umars} which is regular for this group of verbs in the dialects of the village. According to Taner Merttürk, inhabitant of Çxala, both forms u3’umers and u3’umars coexist in the dialects of his village.
● Cf. EA actional verbs « say »
it’urs (West) (→ 12.4.13.6.)
zop’ons (Centre) (→ 12.4.13.14.)
tkumers (HP) ~ tkumars (ÇX) (→ 12.4.13.12.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.5. Causative verbes
12.5.1. Causative verbs having the derivational suffix {-in}
12.5.1.1. EA causative verbs having the suffix {-in}
12.5.1.2. EDA causative verbs having the suffix {-in}
12.5.2. Causative verbs having the derivational suffix {-ap}
12.5.2.1. EDA causative verbs having the suffix {-ap} I
12.5.2.2. EDA causative verbs having the suffix {-ap} II
12.5.3. Causative verbs having both derivational suffixes {-in} and {ap}
12.5.3.1. EDA causative verbs having both suffixes {-in} and {-ap}
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
There are two derivational suffixes that form the causative verbs in Laz : {-in} and {-ap}. They are affixed to sole actional verbs governing the subject in the ergative case.
● There are a great number of morphemes which are « without apparent function
today » in Laz. All {-in} and {-ap} morphemes are not causative markers.
In this study, sole verbs answering the under-memtioned three conditions are defined as causative. (Cf. verbs of enticement in 12.6.) :
1. To have one of five formations shown below.
2. To govern the construction that is indicated with each formation.
3. To mean « make someone do an action » (*)
(*) and not « lead someone to be in a static or evolutional »
[1] pre-stem vowel {o-} + Eø stem + {-in} = EA causative verb
[2] pre-stem vowel {i-/u-} + Eø stem + {-in} = EDA causative verb
[3] pre-stem vowel {o-} + EA stem + {-ap} = EDA causative verb
[4] pre-stem vowel {i-/u-} + EA stem + {-ap} = EDA causative verb
[5] pre-stem vowel {o-} + Eø stem + {-in}+{-ap} = EDA causative verb
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●●● Verbes having [pre-stem vowel {o-} + Aø stem + {-in}] type formation are not considered as causative verbs in this study.
Some EA actional verbs derive from Aø actional verb by replacing the pre-stem vowel by {o-} and the post-stem by {-am}. EDA causative verbs can derive from these EA actional verbs by adding the derivational suffix {-ap}. Some examples are shown below.
Aø actional verb EA actional verb EDA causative verb
doxedun (sit down) doxunams (sit s.o. down) doxunapams (make s.o. sit s.o. down)
~ dvoxunaps (ÇX) ~ dvoxunapaps (ÇX)
incirs (sleep ; lie down) oncirams (put to sleep) oncirapams (make put to sleep)
putxun (fly) oputxinams (let fly) oputxinapams (make s.o. let s.o. fly)
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12.5.1. Causative verbs having the derivational suffix {-in}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.1.1. EA causative verbs having the suffix {-in}
Construction : {cause of action = ergative} + {performer = absolutive}
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12.5.1.1.1. obgarinams ~ omgarinaps ~ obgarinaps « make weep, let cry »
Ar k’oçik xorz*a-muşi obgarinams. (PZ) A man makes (lets) his wife weep.
Ar k’oçi oxorca-muşi obgarinay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Ar k’oçik oxorca-muşi obgarinams. (Centre)
Ar k’oçik oxorca-muşi omgarinaps. (HP)
Ar k’oçik oxorca-muşi obgarinaps. (ÇX)
● Cf. Eø actional verb ibgars ~ imgars « weep, cry »
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.1.2. EDA causative verbs having the suffix {-in}
Construction :
{cause of action = ergative} + {dative complement = dative} + {performer = absolutive}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.1.2.1. ubgarinams ~ umgarinaps ~ ubgarinaps « make weep (cry) someone belonging to someone else »
Ar k’oçik Yusufis bere ubgarinams. (PZ) A man makes cry Yusufi’s child.
Ar k’oçi Yusufi bere ubgarinay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Ar k’oçik Yusufiz bere ubgarinams. (Centre)
Ar k’oçik Yusufiz bere umgarinaps. (HP)
Ar k’oçik Yusufis bere ubgarinaps. (ÇX)
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12.5.2. Causative verbs having the derivational suffix {-ap}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.2.1. EDA causative verbs having the suffix {-ap} I
pre-stem {o-}
Construction :
{cause of action = ergative} + {performer = dative} + {complement = absolutive}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.2.1.1. oncirapams « il fait endormir »
Yaşarik ma bere moncirapams. (PZ) Yaşari makes me put the child to sleep.
Yaşari ma bere moncirapay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Yaşarik ma bere moncirapams. (Centre)
Yaşarik ma bere moncirapaps. (Est)
● The morpheme {m-} shows that the performer in the dative case is the first person.
● Cf. actional verb EA oncirams « put someone to sleep » (→ 12.4.13.10.)
● Cf. causative verb EDA uncirapams (→ 12.5.2.2.1.)
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12.5.2.1.2. onç’arapams ~ oç’arapams « make write »
Erolik si ar çitabi gonç’arapams-i ? (PZ) Does Eroli make you write a book ?
Eroli si ar çitabi gonç’arapams-i ? (ÇM)(AŞ)
Erolik si ar kitabi gonç’arapams-i ? (FN)
Erolik si ar kitabi goç’arapams-i ? (AH)
Erolik si ar kitabi goç’arapaps-i ? (Est)
● The morpheme {g-} shows that the performer in the dative case is the 2nd person.
● Cf. actional verb EA nç’arums ~ ç’arums « write » (→ 12.4.13.9.)
● Cf. causative verb EDA unç’arapams ~ uç’arapams (→ 12.5.2.2.2.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.2.2. EDA causative verbs having the suffix {-ap} II
pre-stem {i-/u-}
Construction :
{cause of action = ergative} + {dative complement = dative} + {complement = absolutive}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.2.2.1. uncirapams (Centre) « make put a person to sleep for someone else »
ø (ÇM)(AŞ)
Yaşarik ma bere mincirapams. (Centre)
ø (Est)
« Yaşari makes (someone) put the child to sleep for me. »
● The morpheme {m-} shows that the dative complement in the dative case is the first person.
●●● This verb does not show the performer. It is the dative complement that is important.
● This verb is observed only in central dialects. In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen,
the sentence shown below has the same meaning.
Yaşari şk’imi şeni bere oncirapay. (ÇM)(AŞ)
● Cf. EDA causative verb oncirapams (→ 12.5.2.1.1.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.2.2.2. unç’arapams ~ uç’arapams « make write something for someone else »
Erolik si ar çitabi ginç’arapams-i ? (PZ) Does Eroli make write a book for you ?
ø (ÇM)
Eroli si ar kitabi ginç’arapams-i ? (AŞ-Ok’ordule) (*)
Erolik si ar kitabi ginç’arapams-i ? (FN)
Erolik si ar kitabi giç’arapams-i ? (AH)
Erolik si ar kitabi giç’arapaps-i ? (Est)
● The morpheme {g-} shows that the dative complement in the dative is the 2nd person.
●●● This verb does not show the performer. It is the dative complement that is important.
● (*) According to Tahsin Ocaklı, native of Ok’ordule.
In Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen-Ortaalan etc, the sentence shown below has the same meaning.
Eroli sk’ani şeni ar çitabi onç’arapams-i ? (ÇM)(AŞ)
● Cf. EA actional verb nç’arums ~ ç’arums « write »
● Cf. EDA causative verb onç’arapams ~ oç’arapams (→ 12.5.2.1.2.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.3. Causative verbs having both derivational suffixes {-in} and {-ap} (double causative)
Construction :
{cause of action = ergative} + {intermediary = dative}+ {performer = absolutive}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.3.1. EDA causative verbs having both suffixes {-in} and {-ap}
______________________________________________________________________
12.5.3.1.1. obgarinapams ~ omgarinapaps ~ obgarinapaps
« he orders s.o. to make s.o. weep »
Emrek Nacis Ayşe obgarinapams. (PZ)
ø (ÇM)(AŞ) (*)
Emrek Naciz Ayşe obgarinapams. (Centre)
Emrek Naciz Ayşe omgarinapaps. (HP)
Emrek Nacis Ayşe obgarinapaps. (ÇX)
« Emre orders Naci to make Ayşe weep. »
● The performer in the dative case is the 3rd person : the marker is {ø-}.
(*) (ÇM)(AŞ) In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen, this construction is not used because of ambiguity that happened after disappearing of ergative and dative markers.
● Cf. EA causative verb obgarinams ~ omgarinaps ~ obgarinaps (→ 12.5.1.1.1.)
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12.6. Verbs of enticement
12.6.1. Verbs of enticement deriving from evolutional verbs
12.6.1.1. guç’ond(r)inams
12.6.1.2. gvoç’ondrinams
~ goç’k’ondinapams ~ goç’k’endinapems ~ goç’k’endinapams
~ goç’k’endinapaps ~ gvoç’k’endinapaps
12.6.1.3. mu3’ondrinams
12.6.1.4. mo3’ondrinams
~ mo3’ondinapams ~ mo3’ondinapems ~ mo3’ondinapaps
12.6.2. Reflexive verb of enticement
12.6.2.1. ioropinams ~ ix’oropinaps
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.1. Verbs of enticement deriving from evolutional verbs
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.1.1. guç’ond(r)inams (PZ)(AŞ, a part) (*)
« lead someone to forget something (by catching his eye for other thing)»
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◘◘◘
The morpheme {-in} of this verb is homophonous with one of derivational suffixes forming causative verbs.
This verb may be taken for a EDA causative verb, but nothing of the kind !
Its pre-stem vowel {i- u-} cannot be replaced, and it governs only the EDA construction. Moreover, it is the « dative complement » of this verb who is led to forget.
Causative verbs having the derivational suffixe {-in} are formed fundamentally with the pre-stem vowel {o-}, and govern the EA construction. Occasionally, their pre-stem vowel {o-} is replaced by {i-/u-} and they become verbs « with dative complement » governing the EDA construction. The person who is led to do an action is the absolutive complement and not the « dative complement ».
◘◘◘
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Hinik berez nana-muşi guç’ondines. (PZ)
~ Hini bere nana-muşi guç’ondriney. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)
« They have led the child to forget his mother. »
(= They attended so well to the child that he did not ask for his mother.)
● Synonyms : EDA verbs of enticement (→ 12.6.1.2.)
gvoç’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part)
~ goç’k’ondinapams (FN)
~ goç’k’endinapems (AH-Pilarget etc)
~ goç’k’endinapams (AH)
~ goç’k’endinapaps (HP)
~ gvoç’k’endinapaps (ÇX)
● Cf. EA actional verbs « forget intentionally » (→ 12.4.13.2.)
goiç’ondrinams (West)
~ goiç’k’ondinams (FN)
~ goiç’k’endinams (AH)(East)
● Cf. DA evolutional verbs « forget naturally » (→ 12.3.7.5)
goç’ondrun ~ gvoç’ondrun (West)
~ goç’k’ondun (Centre)(HP)
~ gvoç’k’ondun (ÇX)
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.1.2. gvoç’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part) (*)
~ goç’k’ondinapams (FN)
~ goç’k’endinapems (AH-Pilarget etc)
~ goç’k’endinapams (AH)
~ goç’k’endinapaps (HP)
~ gvoç’k’endinapaps (ÇX)
« lead someone to forget »
(*) We could not yet make researches into the use of verbs of enticement in certain villages in Çamlıhemşin such as Komilo and Abiçxo.
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◘◘◘
The {-in} and {-ap} morphemes, observed in these verbs, are homophonous with the derivational suffixes forming causative verbs.
The form that is observed in western dialects, gvoç’ondrinams, may be taken for a causative verb having the suffix {-in}. Nothing of the kind !
The verb gvoç’ondrinams governs the EDA construction. The pre-stem vowel {o-}
cannot be replaced.
Causative verbs having the suffix {-in} govern the EA construction if the pre-stem
vowel is {o-}, and the EDA construction if the pre-stem vowel is replaced by {i-/u-}.
The forms that are observed in central and eastern dialects, i.e. those having the complex ending -inapams ~ -inapaps, may be taken for double causative verbs having the suffixes {-in}+{-ap}. Nothing of the sort !
The dative complement of the central and eastern variants is the person who is led to forget.
While the dative complement of causative verbs having the suffixes {-in}+{-ap} is the
intermediary who leads the performer to do an action.
◘◘◘
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Hini bere nana-muşi gvoç’ondriney. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Henterek berez nana-muşi goç’k’ondinapez. (FN)
~ Hemtepek berez nana-muşi goç’k’endinapez. (AH)
~ Entepek berez nana-muşi goç’k’endinapez. (HP)
~ Entepek beres nana-muşi gvoç’k’endinapes. (ÇX)
« They have led the child to forget his mother. »
(= They attended so well to the child that he did not ask for his mother.)
● Cf. DA evolutional verb « forget » (→ 12.3.7.5.)
● Synonym : EDA verb of enticement : guç’ond(r)inams (PZ)(AŞ, a part) (→ 12.6.1.1.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.1.3. mu3’ondrinams (PZ)(AŞ, a part) (*) « lead someone to like »
(*) We could not yet make researches into the use of verbs of enticement in certain villages in Çamlıhemşin such as Komilo and Abiçxo.
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◘◘◘
The morpheme {-in} of this verb is homophonous with one of derivational suffixes forming causative verbs.
This verb may be taken for a EDA causative verb, but nothing of the kind !
Its pre-stem vowel {i-/u-} cannot be replaced, and it governs only the EDA construction.
Moreover, it is the « dative complement » of this verb who is led to like.
Causative verbs having the derivational suffixe {-in} are formed fundamentally with the pre-stem vowel {o-}, and govern the EA construction. Occasionally, their pre-stem vowel {o-} is replaced by {i-/u-} and they become verbs « with dative complement » governing the EDA construction. The person who is led to do the action is the absolutive complement and not the « dative complement ».
◘◘◘
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Turgutik bere-şk’imis m3’u mu3’ondrinu. (PZ)
~ Turguti bere-şk’imi m3’u mu3’ondrinu. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)
« Turguti has led my child to like m3’u ~ m3’k’o. »
m3’u (West) ~ m3’k’o (Centre, East) : name of an arborescent fruit-shrub and its fruits. The plant, semper virens, is cultivated commonly in all Laz speaking area. The dark violet fruits, spherical like grapes, have a complex savour : moderately sweet, a little acid and slightly astringent.
● Example with dative complement in the first person :
Doğani ma m3’u momi3’ondrinu. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) (*)
« Doğani has led me to like m3’u ~ m3’k’o. »
(*) According to Tahsin Ocaklı, native of Ok’ordule.
● Synonyms : DA verbs of enticement mo3’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part)
~ mo3’ondinapams (Centre・East) (→ 12.4.16.5.)
● Cf. DA evolutional verb mo3’ondun « like, be fond of » (→ 12.3.7.6.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.1.4. mo3’ondrinams (ÇM)(AŞ, a part) (*) ~ mo3’ondinapams (Centre・East) « lead someone to like »
(*) We could not yet make researches into the use of verbs of enticement in certain villages in Çamlıhemşin such as Komilo and Abiçxo.
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◘◘◘
The {-in} and {-ap} morphemes, observed in these verbs, are homophonous with the derivational suffixes forming causative verbs.
The form that is observed in western dialects, mo3’ondrinams, may be taken for a causative verb having the suffix {-in}. Nothing of the kind !
The verb mo3’ondrinams governs the EDA construction. The pre-stem vowel {o-}
cannot be replaced.
Causative verbs having the suffix {-in} govern the EA construction if the pre-stem
vowel is {o-}, and the EDA construction if the pre-stem vowel is replaced by {i-/u-}.
The forms that are observed in central and eastern dialects, i.e. those having the complex ending -inapams ~ -inapaps, may be taken for double causative verbs having the suffixes {-in}+{-ap}. Nothing of the sort !
The dative complement of the central and eastern variants is the person who is led to like.
While the dative complement of causative verbs having the suffixes {-in}+{-ap} is the
intermediary who leads the performer to do an action.
◘◘◘
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Turguti bere-şk’imi m3’u mo3’ondrinu. (AŞ-Ortaalan)
Turgutik bere-çkimiz m3’k’o mo3’ondinapu. (Centre・East)
« Turguti has led my child to like m3’u ~ m3’k’o. »
m3’u (West) ~ m3’k’o (Centre, East) : name of an arborescent fruit-shrub and its fruits. The plant, semper virens, is cultivated commonly in all Laz speaking area. The dark violet fruits, spherical like grapes, have a complex savour : moderately sweet, a little acid and slightly astringent.
● Example with dative complement in the first person :
Doğani ma m3’u momo3’ondrinu. (AŞ-Ortaalan) (*)
« Doğani has led me to like m3’u ~ m3’k’o. »
(*) According to Sedat Alptekin, native of Ortaalan.
● Synonym : EDA verb of enticement mu3’ondrinams (PZ)(AŞ, a part) (→ 12.6.1.3.)
● Cf. DA evolutional verb mo3’ondun « like, be fond of »(→ 12.3.7.6.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.2. Reflexive verb of enticement
______________________________________________________________________
12.6.2.1. ioropinams (West・Centre) ~ nix’oropinaps (HP) « charm »
Construction : {subject [ergative] + complement [absolutive] + verb}
● The conjugation of this verb is bipersonal. (→ 13.11.2.)
Fatulak Mustafa (d)ioropinu. (PZ) Fatula charmed Mustafa.
~ Fatula Mustafa (d)ioropinu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Fatulak Mustafa (d)ioropinu. (Centre)
~ Fatulak Mustafa nix’oropinu. (HP)
In the dialects of Hopa, the preverb {me-}({n-} before vowel) is affixed.
The pre-stem vowel of this verb is {i-}: « for oneself »
● Cf. ED actional verb oroms ~ x’orops (→ 12.4.14.4.)
● Cf. DA stative verb aoropen[1] (→ 12.2.4.4.)
● Cf. DA evolutional verb aoropen[2] (→ 12.3.7.2.)
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12.7. Verbs of judgement
12.7.1. « be taken for » AP verb (1)
12.7.2. « think wrongly » DAP verb (2)
12.7.3. « resemble » AD verb (3)
12.7.4. « take a person for someone else » (4)
12.7.5. « be worth » AL/A.Dir verb (5)
(1) [absolutive subject, predicate]
(2) [dative subject, absolutive complment, predicate]
(3) [absolutive subject, dative complement]
(4) (loan translation from a Turkish verb ?)
(5) [absolutive subject, locative or directive complement]
Each verb of judgement governs a peculiar construction and has morphological particuarity. They cannot be classified into other categories of verbs.
______________________________________________________________________
12.7.1. di3’onen « be taken for »
Him mendraşa bere di3’onen. (AŞ) Seen from afar, he is taken for a child.
~ Heya mendrale bere di3’onen. (FN)
Hini mendraşa bere di3’onenan. (AŞ) Seen from afar, they are taken for children.
~ Hentere mendrale bere di3’onenan. (FN)
● It is not a stative verb even if it is true that « the one who is taken for someone else »
does not do any action. Di3’onen has perfective formes unlike stative verbs. It is
conjugated in all persons. It has no potential, impersonal or experiential mood.
_____________________________________________________________________________
12.7.2. dva3’onen[2] (West) ~ da3’onen[2] (Centre) ~ a3’onen[2] (HP) ~ a3’onapun (ÇX)
« think wrongly that a person is another person »
Example in the simple perfective :
Xasanis ma Xuseni dva3’onu. (PZ) Xasani thought I was Xuseni.
Xasani ma Xuseni dva3’onu. (ÇM)(AŞ)
Xasaniz ma Xuseni da3’onu. (Centre)
Xasanis ma Xuseni a3’onu. (HP ~ ÇX)
● This verb governs the subject in the dative case. Nevertheless it is not a stative verb
or a evolutional verb. Unlike stative verbs, it has perfective forms. Unlike evolutional
verbs, the simple perfective does not express the present state but an event which was
accomplished in the past.
● Homophone : ADø stative verb « like, be fond of » (Centre・East) (→ 12.2.4.8.)
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12.7.3. numgums (PZ) ~ numgvams (ÇM) ~ nungvams (AŞ) ~ nungams (Centre) ~ nungaps (HP) ~ nugaps (ÇX) « resemble »
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●●● This verb has only imperfective forms like stative verbs.
But unlike the latter, it expresses neither a state which can be ascertained objectively (ex. “be seated”) nor an interior state which can be confirmed by the person concerned (ex. “know”, “have a pain”). It expresses only a subjective judgment of the speaker.
Furthermore, the « dative complement » of this verb is the object of comparison done by the speaker.
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Xasani Xusenis numgums-i? (PZ) Does Xasani resemble Xuseni ?
~ Xasani Xuseni numgvams-i ? (ÇM)
~ Xasani Xuseni nungvams-i ? (AŞ)
~ Xasani Xuseniz nungams- i? (Centre)
~ Xasani Xuseniz nungaps-i ? (HP)
~ Xasani Xusenis nugaps-i ? (ÇX)
● The object of comparison can be the first or second persons.
Xasani ma memingams. (Centre) Xasani resembles me.
Si ma memingam. (Centre) You resemble me.
Ayşe do Emine si megingaman. (Centre) Ayşe and Emine resemble you.
● The preverb {me-} ({n-} before vowel) is without apparent function. It cannot be replaced by {mo-}.
● But it can be replaced by {ok’o-}.
ok’umgums ~ ok’umgvams ~ ok’ungvams ~ ok’ungams ~ ok’ungaps ~ ok’ugaps
« they resemble one another »
(The subject is always plural. But when the subject is the third person of the plural, the
verb remains often in the singular.)
______________________________________________________________________
12.7.4. numgvapams/numgvapinams (PZ) ~ numgvapinay (***) (ÇM) ~ nungvapay (AŞ) ~ nungapams (Centre) ~ nungapaps (HP) ~ nugapaps (ÇX)
« take a person for someone else »
● This verb is probably a loan translation from the Turkish verb “benzetmek” meaning morpheme-for-morpheme « make resemble ». In spite of the morphology, it is not a causative verb according to our definition.
[1] Laz causative verbs having the pre-stem vowel {i-/u-} agree in person and in number with the dative complement. Unlike this verb, they do not agree with the complement in the absolutive case.
[2] Causative verbs have no potential mood. This verb has it. (*)
[3] « Take a person for someone else » is not « order or request someone to resemble someone else ».
●●● Examples with absolutive complement in the first person.
Nazmik ma Xasanis memimgvapams. (PZ) Nazmi takes me for Xasani.
~ ø (***) (ÇM)
~ Nazmi ma Xasani(şa) memingvapay. (AŞ) (1)
~ Nazmik ma Xasaniz memingapams. (Centre)
~ Nazmik ma Xasaniz memingapaps. (HP)
~ Nazmik ma Xasanis memigapaps. (ÇX)
(1) In the dialects of Ardeşen, the ambidirective case is observed in place of fused oblique case in the 3rd person, probably in order to avoid ambiguity which is caused by the disparition of ergative and dative-locative case markers.
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● (*) The potential mood of this verb is : namgvapen ~ nangvapen ~ nangapen ~ nagapen
« take a person for someone else (but become aware of the error by oneself) »
Construction :
« subject [dative] complement [absolutive] complement [locative] verb » (2)
● In Ardeşen, the ambidirective is observed in place of fused oblique case.
Ma him baba-sk’anişa memangvapu. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) (3)
« I took him for your father. But I became aware of the error by myself. »
(2) If the second complement were in the dative case, it should be a major transgression of the fundametal structure of the Laz language : one verb governs at most only one element in the dative case (subject or complement).
(3) According to Tahsin Ocaklı, native of Ok’ordule.
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● (***) In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin, no example of *numgvapams has been observed till now, although namgvapen is frequently used.
In the place, the form numgvapinams is used there. (4)
Nazmi ma Xasani memimgvapinay. (ÇM) Nazmi takes me for Xasani.
/ Nazmi ma Xasani namgvapen.
(4) This variant is also observed in the dialects of Pazar. Unlike causative verbs, the morpheme {-ap} precedes the morpheme {-in} in this verb.
______________________________________________________________________
12.7.5. « be worth »
12.7.5.1. ğirs ~ ğins
12.7.5.2. ğirun
● These verbs are unknown in large areas of Ardeşen and Arhavi. Detailed researches are necessary concerning their distribution area apparently discontinuous.
______________________________________________________________________
12.7.5.1. ğirs (PZ) + (FN-Sumla ~ ÇX)
ğins (FN-Ç’anapet, Ç’enneti, etc) « be worth »
The affirmation profix {ko-} is frequently affixed to these verbs, what gives respectively the forms koğirs ~ koğins.
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[A] Construction for the expression : « a person is worth something »
« A person [absolutive] something [locative or directive] verb »
Affirmative :
Aşela ham dunyas koğirs. (PZ) Aşela is worth this world.
ø (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ Aşela ham kiyanaz koğins. (FN-Ç’anapet)
~ Aşela ham kianaşa koğirs. (FN-Sumla)
ø (AH)
~ Aşela am dunyas koğirs. (HP)(ÇX)
Negative :
Him mutis va-ğirs. (PZ) He is not worth anything.
~ Heya mutuz va-ğins. (FN-Ç’ennet)
~ Heya çkar mutuz va-ğirs. (FN-Sumla)
~ Eya mutuz va-ğirs. (HP)
~ İya mutus va-ğirs. (ÇX)
Heya ar kuruşişa-ti va-ğins. (FN-Ç’anapet) He is not worth a penny.
K’ap’ik’işa va-ğirs. (HP) He is not worth a kopeck.
● (AŞ) : In Ardeşen, the verb-copula is used to form equivalent sentences.
Him mutu var-on. (AŞ) He is nothing.
~ Him mutuşi var-on. (AŞ)
● (AH-Borğola) : In Arhavi-Borğola, other expressions are used in the place.
Heya çkar mutuz var-ipels. (AH-Borğola) He is good for nothing.
~ Heya çkar mutuz var-ipelen. (AH-Borğola)
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[B] Construction for the expression : « nothing is worth (a person) »
« A person [locative] nothing [absolutive] (verb in the negative) »
Himus muti va-ğirs. (PZ) Nothing is equal to him.
Heyaz mutu va-ğins. (FN-Ç’anapet)
Emuz mutu va-ğirs. (HP)
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[C] Price expression of a commodity :
« a commodity [locative] price [absolutive] verb » (***)
Ham at’ambas aşi lira koğirs. (PZ) This peach is selling six pounds (per kilo).
Ham ant’amaz aşi lira koğins. (FN-Ç’ennet)
Am ant’amaz aşi lira ği(r)s. (HP)
●●● (***) In Sumla and Çxala, the construction is different.
Ham ant’ama aşi liras ğirs. (FN-Sumla)
A ant’ama aşi liras ğirs. (ÇX)
● In Ardeşen, the impersonal mood (niçen : “indefinite person gives”) of the verb meçams ~ meçay (give) is used for the price expression.
Ham at’amba aşi lira niçen. (AŞ) They give six pounds (per kilo) for this peach.
● In Fındıklı, the verb-copula is frequently used for the price expression.
Ham at’amba aşi liraz ren. (FN) This peach is for six pounds (per kilo).
● In Arhavi-Borğola, the verb ikoms (do) is used.
Ham ant’amak aşi lira ikoms. (AH-Borğola) This peach does six pounds (per kilo).
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12.7.5.2. ğirun (ÇM) « be worth »
In the dialects of Çamlıhemşin, there is no morphological difference between locative and absolutive cases. Therefore, we attend an evolution of the construction which is governed by this verb : for example, use of the postposition şuk’u (as much as) or the adverbe hik’u (so much) in certain case.
Bere-şk’imi ar me3’omilu xuteçi 3’ana şuri na-giğut’asen şuk’u koğirun. (ÇM-Ğvant)
“To see once my child is worth as much as to live one hundred years.”
K’apça 3’ulu n. Hik’u var-ğirun. (ÇM-Ğvant)
“Anchovies are small. They are not worth so much.”
Himu şeni obgaru var-ğirun. (ÇM-Ğvant)
“It is not worth weeping.”
Na-ğirunşa mboli dik’vandi-i, var-gamogaçasen. (ÇM-Ğvant)
“You shall not be able to sell it, if you ask much more than its value.”
Ham supara eçi do vit’oçxoro cenç’areri koğirun. (ÇM-Ğvant)
“This book is worth 39 [Turkish] pounds.”