13.4. Actional verbs I : Indicative mood 

(and secondary moods deriving from it : optative, votive, imperative, prohibitive and prohibito-optative)


13.4.1. Imperfective present tense (+ prohibitive mood)


13.4.2. Imperfective past tense (+ votif)

(+ converbs)


13.4.3. Imperfective optative mood (+ prohibito-optative mood) (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)

(+ converbs)


13.4.4. Perfective basic form (+ auditive forms)

(+ pluperfect)

(+ votive mood) (West)(FN))

(+ imperative)

(+ adverbial clauses)


13.4.5. Perfective optative mood (+ prohibito-optative mood) (PZ)(AK)

(+ votive mood) (AH)

(+ adverbial clauses)


13.4.6. Future tense (+ future-in-the-past)

(+ adverbial clauses)



The pre-stem (1) and the post-stem (2) (in the indicative mood imperfective present tense) determine the conjugation of actional verbs.


(1) Pre-stem : {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)


(2) Post-stem : {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-er}{-ur}; {-omer/-umer} ;

{-umer/-umar} ; {-um/-umer/-ar}(→ 11.1.)  


Besides, the presence or absence of the causative marker determine the post-stem in certain dialects of Arhavi.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1. Imperfective present tense


13.4.1.1. Basic forms

13.4.1.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation

13.4.1.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation


13.4.1.2. Prohibitive mood

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1. Basic forms


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (1) (→ 11.3.1.1.)

II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (2) (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] post-stem {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-e/u + r};

{-omer/-umer}{-umer/-umar};

{-um/-umer/-ar} (→ 11.1.)  

[6] multifunctional fused ending (*) {-ø}{-s}{-n}{-an}{-t} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of person, number and present tense


● Variants of anteposed person markers are described in the chapter 11.

(1) {b-} = {ø-} ~ {b-} ~ {v-} ~ {p-} ~ {p’-}


but {b-} + {n -consonant ...} > {m-...}

{b-} + {xt/xt’-...} > {pt/ft-...}


(2) {m-} = {ø-} ~ {m-} ~ {mp’-}

{g-} = {ø-} ~ {g-} ~ {k-} ~ {k’-}

_____________________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation


The conjugation is monopersonal if an actional verb is


- without complement,

- reflexive, or

- without dative complement and governs the absolutive complement only in the 3rd person.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.1. « he speaks » Eø actional verbs


Post-stem {-ø}  ixap’ars (*) (PZ)


Post-stem{-am/-ap} ilak’irday (ÇM)(AŞ-Jilen-Mzğem)

isinapams/isinapay (AŞ)(FN)

ip’aramitams (AH)

ğarğalams/ğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)

ğağalaps (HP-Sarp)


● (*) (ÇM)(AŞ) The verb ixap’ars/ixap’ay means « he cries getting angry » in the

dialects of Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen.


ergative subject

locality

PZ

ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit

ÇM-M3’anu

1.sg.

vixap’ar

vilak’irdam

vilak’irdam

2.sg.

ixap’ar

ilak’irdam

ilak’irdam

3.sg.

ixap’ars

ilak’irday

ilak’irday

1.pl.

vixap’art

vilak’irdamtu

vilak’irdamte

2.pl.

ixap’art

ilak’irdamtu

ilak’irdamte

3.pl.

ixap’aran

ilak’irdaman

ilak’irdaman


● (ÇM)(AŞ-Jilen-Mzğem) ilak’irday : in the interrogative, ilak’irdams-i ?


subject

locality

- west

- centre and east

FN

1.sg.

visinapam

bisinapam

bisinapam

2.sg.

isinapam

isinapam

isinapam

3.sg.

isinapay

isinapay

isinapams

1.pl.

visinapamtu

bisinapamtu

bisinapamt

2.pl.

isinapamtu

isinapamtu

isinapamt

3.pl.

isinapaman

isinapaman

isinapaman


subject

locality

AH

HP-Sarp

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bip’aramitam

bğağalap

bğarğalap

2.sg.

ip’aramitam

ğağalap

ğarğalap

3.sg.

ip’aramitams

ğağalaps

ğarğalaps

1.pl.

bip’aramitamt

bğağalapt

bğarğalapt

2.pl.

ip’aramitamt

ğağalapt

ğarğalapt

3.pl.

ip’aramitaman

ğağalapan

ğarğalapan


Cf. ğarğalams (West) «(a baby) emits incomprehensible sounds »

(Centre) « he cries getting angry »

____________________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.2. imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb: post-stem {-er}


subject

locality

PZ

ÇM-M3’anu

ÇM, AŞ - west

1.sg.

vimt’er

vimt’er

vimt’er

bimt’er

2.sg.

imt’er

imt’er

imt’er

imt’er

3.sg.

imt’en

imt’en

imt’en

imt’en

1.pl.

vimt’ert

vimt’erte

vimt’ertu

bimt’ertu

2.pl.

imt’ert

imt’erte

imt’ertu

imt’ertu

3.pl.

imt’eran

imt’eran

imt’eran

imt’enan



subject

locality

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bimt’er

vimt’er

2.sg.

imt’er

imt’er

3.sg.

imt’en

imt’en

1.pl.

bimt’e(r)t

vimt’ert

2.pl.

imt’e(r)t

imt’ert

3.pl.

imte(r)nan

imt’e(r)nan


______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.3. jun ~ cun (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ-Jilen-Mzğem) « (a bird etc) flies » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-ur}


(PZ)(ÇM-Ğvant)(AŞ-Jilen Mzğem)

subject

imperfective

present

past

optative

1. sg.

bjur

bjurt’i

bjurt’a

2. sg.

jur

jurt’i

jurt’a

3. sg.

jun

jurt’u

jurt’as ~ jurt’ay

1. pl.

bjurt ~ bjurtu

bjurt’it

bjurt’at

2. pl.

jurt ~ jurtu

jurt’it

jurt’at

3. pl.

juran

jurt’es ~ jurt’ey

jurt’an


(ÇM-M3’anu)

subject

imperfective

present

past

optative

1. sg.

bcur

bcurt’i

bcurt’a

2. sg.

cur

curt’i

curt’a

3. sg.

cun

curt’u

curt’ay

1. pl.

bcurte

bcurt’it

bcurt’at

2. pl.

curte

curt’it

curt’at

3. pl.

curan

curt’ey

curt’an

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.4. putxun « (a bird etc) flies » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-ur}


subject

locality

FN, AH, HP

ÇX

1.sg.

puptxur (*) ~ putxur

putxur

voputxur (**)

2.sg.

putxur

putxur

putxur

3.sg.

putxun

putxun

putxun

1.pl.

puptxurtu (*) ~ putxurtu

putxu(r)t

voputxurt (**)

2.pl.

putxurtu

putxu(r)t

putxurt

3.pl.

putxunan

putxu(r)nan

putxu(r)nan


(*) Anteposed 1st person marker is realized generally as {ø-} before bilabial consonants /p/, /p’/, /b/ and /m/. Sometimes it appears at the end of the first syllable of the verb as an infix. (→ 13.8.2.)


(**) The vowel [o] of the initial syllable is not a pre-stem. It is an epenthesis without any grammatical function. It makes possible the pronunciation of anteposed person marker before bilabial consonant.


Homophonous verb : putxun (PZ-Noxlamsu, Apso) « he is frightened »

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.5. « he says »

EA actional verbs : absolutive complement always in the 3rd person


it’urs ~ it’t’urs (West) post-stem {-ø}

zop’ons (Centre) post-stem {-ø}

tkumers/tkumars (East) post-stem {-umer/-umar}


subject

PZ

ÇM

1.sg.

vit’ur

vit’ur

vit’t’ur ~ bit’t’ur

2.sg.

it’ur

it’ur

it’t’ur

3.sg.

it’urs

it’uy

it’t’uy

1.pl.

vit’urt

vit’urtu ~ vit’urte

vit’t’urtu ~ bit’t’urtu

2.pl.

it’urt

it’urtu ~ it’urte

it’t’urtu

3.pl.

it’uran

it’uran

it’t’uran


subject

FN, AH

HP

ÇX

1.sg.

bzop’on

ptkumer

ptkumar

2.sg.

zop’on

tkumer

tkumar

3.sg.

zop’ons

tkumers

tkumars

1.pl.

bzop’ont

ptkume(r)t

ptkumart

2.pl.

zop’ont

tkume(r)t

tkumart

3.pl.

zop’onan

tkume(r)nan

tkumalan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.6. « he writes »

EA actional verb : absolutive complement always in the 3rd person

post-stem {-um/-up}


nç’arums (West)


subject

PZ

ÇM-M3’anu

ÇM, AŞ

1.sg.

mç’arum

mç’arum

mç’arum

2.sg.

nç’arum

nç’arum

nç’arum

3.sg.

nç’arums

nç’aruy

nç’aruy

1.pl.

mç’arumt

mç’arumte

mç’arumtu

2.pl.

nç’arumt

nç’arumte

nç’arumtu

3.pl.

nç’aruman

nç’aruman

nç’aruman



ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East)


subject

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ç’a(r)um

p’ç’a(r)up

2.sg.

ç’a(r)um

ç’a(r)up

3.sg.

ç’a(r)ums

ç’a(r)ups

1.pl.

p’ç’a(r)umt

p’ç’a(r)upt

2.pl.

ç’a(r)umt

ç’a(r)upt

3.pl.

ç’a(r)uman

ç’a(r)upan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.7. « he puts »

EA actional verb : absolutive complement always in the 3rd person

post-stem {-um/-umer/-var}


subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN-Sumla

FN, AH, HP

ÇX

1.sg.

dobdum

dobdum

dobdumel

dobdumer

dobdvar

2.sg.

dodum

dodum

dodumel

dodumer

dodvar

3.sg.

dodums

doduy

dodumels

dodumers

dodvars

1.pl.

dobdumt

dobdumtu

dobdumelt

dobdumert

dobdvart

2.pl.

dodumt

dodumtu

dodumelt

dodumert

dodvart

3.pl.

doduman

doduman

dodumelnan

dodumenan

dodvalan (**)


(*) In the dialects of FN-Sumla, forms such as dobdume(r), dodume(r), dodume(r)s ... are also observed. The phoneme /l/ “restores” in a way the post-stem that has been altered by the disappearing of /r/. This phonetical evolution must be a recent phenomenon.


(**) In the dialects of Çxala, the replacement of intervocalic /r/ by /l/ is observed very often.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.1.8. Reflexive verb : pre-stem {i-}


imbonams (West) ~ ibonams (Centre) ~ ibons (East)

« he washes himself » EA actional verb


imbonams (PZ) post-stem{-am}

subject

dative complement = oneself

1.sg.

2. sg.

3.sg.

1.pl.

2.pl.

3. pl.

1.sg

vimbonam






2.sg


imbonam





3.sg



imbonams




1.pl




vimbonamt



2.pl





imbonamt


3.pl






imbonaman


ibonams (Centre) post-stem{-am}

subject

dative complement = oneself

1.sg.

2. sg.

3.sg.

1.pl.

2.pl.

3. pl.

1.sg.

bibonam






2.sg.


ibonam





3.sg.



ibonams




1.pl.




bibonamt



2.pl.





ibonamt


3.pl.






ibonaman


ibons (East) post-stem{-ø}

subject

dative complement = oneself

1.sg.

2. sg.

3.sg.

1.pl.

2.pl.

3. pl.

1.sg.

vibon






2.sg.


ibon





3.sg.



ibons




1.pl.




vibont



2.pl.





ibont


3.pl.






ibonan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation


Conjugation is bipersonal if the actional verb governs :


- dative complement, or

- absolutive complement in all persons.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.1. Example without preverb : pre-stem {ø-}


çumers (FN)(AH)(HP) ~ çumels (FN-Sumla) ~ çumars (ÇX)

« he waits » EA actional verb : post-stem{-umer/-umel/-umar}


(FN)(AH)(HP)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


kçumer

kçume(r)t

pçumer

2.sg.

mçumer

mçume(r)t


çumer

3.sg.

mçumers

mçume(r)nan

kçumers

kçume(r)nan

çumers

1.pl.


kçume(r)t

pçume(r)t

2.pl.

mçume(r)t


çume(r)t

3.pl.

mçume(r)nan

kçume(r)nan

çume(r)nan


çumels (FN-Sumla)(*)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


kçumel

kçumelt

pçumel

2.sg.

mçumel

mçumelt


çumel

3.sg.

mçumels

mçumelnan

kçumels

kçumelnan

çumels

1.pl.


kçumelt

pçumelt

2.pl.

mçumelt


çumelt

3.pl.

mçumelnan

kçumelnan

çumelnan


(*) This table is dressed exclusively from informations given by Nurdoğan Demir Abaşişi.


(ÇX)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


kçumar

kçumart

pçumar

2.sg.

mçumar

mçumart


çumar

3.sg.

mçumars

mçumalan

kçumars

kçumalan

çumars

1.pl.


kçumart

pçumart

2.pl.

mçumart


çumart

3.pl.

mçumalan

kçumalan

çumalan


Synonym : uyondrams (West)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.2. Example with preverb : pre-stem {ø-}


meçams « he gives » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}


(PZ) (FN)(AH)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekçam

mekçamt

mepçam

2.sg.

momçam

momçamt


meçam

3.sg.

momçams

momçaman

mekçams

mekçaman

meçams

1.pl.


mekçamt

mepçamt

2.pl.

momçamt


meçamt

3.pl.

momçaman

mekçaman

meçaman


(HP)(ÇX)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekçap

mekçapt

mepçap

2.sg.

momçap

momçapt


meçap

3.sg.

momçaps

momçapan

mekçaps

mekçapan

meçaps

1.pl.


mekçapt

mepçapt

2.pl.

momçapt


meçapt

3.pl.

momçapan

mekçapan

meçapan


When the dative complement is in the 1st person, the preverb {me-}(= moving off from the speaker) is replaced by {mo-}(= approaching the speaker).

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.3. Example without preverb : pre-stem {i-}(*)


(*) without any apparent function for this verb


içinams (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)(AH); içinams ~ içinaps ~ içinops (East)

« he knows s.o.; he recognizes s.o. » EA actional verb : post-stem {-am} {-op}


(PZ)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


giçinam

giçinamt

viçinam

2.sg.

miçinam

miçinamt


içinam

3.sg.

miçinams

miçinaman

giçinams

giçinaman

içinams

1.pl.


giçinamt

viçinamt

2.pl.

miçinamt


içinamt

3.pl.

miçinaman

giçinaman

içinaman


(FN)(AH)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


giçinam

giçinamt

biçinam

2.sg.

miçinam

miçinamt


içinam

3.sg.

miçinams

miçinaman

giçinams

giçinaman

içinams

1.pl.


giçinamt

biçinamt

2.pl.

miçinamt


içinamt

3.pl.

miçinaman

giçinaman

içinaman

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.4. Example without preverb : pre-stem {i-}


goişinams « he remembers » EA actional verb: post-stem{-am}


(ÇM-Ğvant)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogişinam

gogişinamtu

govişinam

2.sg.

gomişinam

gomişinamtu


goişinam

3.sg.

gomişinay

gomişinaman

gogişinay

gogişinaman

goişinay

1.pl.


gogişinamtu

govişinamtu

2.pl.

gomişinamtu


goişinamtu

3.pl.

gomişinaman

gogişinaman

goişinaman


(FN)(AH)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogişinam

gogişinamt

gobişinam

2.sg.

gomişinam

gomişinamt


goişinam

3.sg.

gomişinams

gomişinaman

gogişinams

gogişinaman

goişinams

1.pl.


gogişinamt

gobişinamt

2.pl.

gomişinamt


goişinamt

3.pl.

gomişinaman

gogişinaman

goişinaman

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.5. Example without preverb : pre-stem{i-/u-}


umbonams (West) ; ubonams ~ ubons (Centre) ; ubons (East) 

« he washes someone else » EDA actional verb  : post-stem{-am}, {-ø}


umbonams (PZ)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gimbonam

gimbonamt

vumbonam

2.sg.

mimbonam

mimbonamt


umbonam

3.sg.

mimbonams

mimbonaman

gimbonams

gimbonaman

umbonams

1.pl.


gimbonamt

vumbonamt

2.pl.

mimbonamt


umbonamt

3.pl.

mimbonaman

gimbonaman

umbonaman


ubons (Centre)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gibon

gibont

bubon

2.sg.

mibon

mibont


ubon

3.sg.

mibons

mibonan

gibons

gibonan

ubons

1.pl.


gibont

bubont

2.pl.

mibont


ubont

3.pl.

mibonan

gibonan

ubonan


ubons (East)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gibon

gibont

vubon

2.sg.

mibon

mibont


ubon

3.sg.

mibons

mibonan

gibons

gibonan

ubons

1.pl.


gibont

vubont

2.pl.

mibont


ubont

3.pl.

mibonan

gibonan

ubonan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.6. Example with preverb : pre-stem {i-/u-}


guşinams (PZ) « he recalls s.th. to s.o. » EDA actional verb  : post-stem {-am}


subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogişinam

gogişinamt

govuşinam

2.sg.

gomişinam

gomişinamt


guşinam

3.sg.

gomişinams

gomişinaman

gogişinams

gogişinaman

guşinams

1.pl.


gogişinamt

govuşinamt

2.pl.

gomişinamt


guşinamt

3.pl.

gomişinaman

gogişinaman

guşinaman


● Synonym : gvoşinay (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ goşinams (AŞ-Dutxe)(Centre)(HP) ~ gvoşinaps (ÇX)(→ 13.4.1.1.2.13.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.7. Exemple with preverb {ela-} : pre-stem{a-}


elvakten (AŞ) « he passes to see s.o. (*) » (1) AD actional verb : post-stem{-er}


(*) in his house, in his bureau, in his workshop etc


(AŞ-Ok’ordule)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


elegakter

elegaktertu

elebakter

2.sg.

elemakter

elemaktertu


elvakter

3.sg.

elemakten

elemaktenan

elegakten

elegaktenan

elvakten

1.pl.


elegaktertu

elebaktertu

2.pl.

elemaktertu


elvaktertu

3.pl.

elemaktenan

elegaktenan

elvaktenan


Ma iri ndğa Amedi elebakter. (AŞ) I pass every day to see Amedi.


(1) Homophony : according to Seçkin Yeniçırak, at Çamlıhemşin-Ğvant, a homophonous verb (which is also an AD actional verb) means « he is ashamed in front of s.o. ». Another verb golvakten means « he passes to see s.o. ».


According to S.Y., the dative complement of the verb elvakten, at Ğvant, is not in the fused oblique case but in the ambidirective case.


(ÇM-Ğvant) « he is ashamed in front of s.o. »

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


elegakter

elegaktert(u)

elevakter

2.sg.

elemakter

elemaktert(u)


elvakter

3.sg.

elemakten

elemakteran

elegakten

elegakteran

elvakten

1.pl.


elegaktert(u)

elevaktert(u)

2.pl.

elemaktert(u)


elvaktert(u)

3.pl.

elemakteran

elegakteran

elvakteran

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.8. Example with preverb {me-} : pre-stem {a-}


nacoxen (CentreEast) « he passes to see s.o.(*) » ED actional verb: post-stem{-er}


(*) in his house, in his workshop, in his bureau etc


(Centre)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


megacoxer

megacoxert

mebacoxer

2.sg.

memacoxer

memacoxert


nacoxer

3.sg.

memacoxen

memacoxenan

megacoxen

megacoxenan

nacoxen

1.pl.


megacoxert

mebacoxert

2.pl.

memacoxert


nacoxert

3.pl.

memacoxenan

megacoxenan

nacoxenan

Ma k’at’a ndğaz Amediz mebacoxer. (Centre) I pass every day to see Amedi.


Amedik ma p’anda memacoxen. (FN) Amedi passes always to see me.

~ Amedik ma iyya memacoxen. (AH)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.9. Example with preverb {me-} : pre-stem {a-}


naonams « he follows s.o. » ED actional verb : post-stem {-am}


(Centre)

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


megaonam

megaonamt

mebaonam

2.sg.

memaonam

memaonamt


naonam

3.sg.

memaonams

memaonaman

megaonams

megaonaman

naonams

1.pl.


megaonamt

mebaonamt

2.pl.

memaonamt


naonamt

3.pl.

memaonaman

megaonaman

naonaman


The function of preverb is not apparent in this verb. It is never replaced by another one even if the subject is approaching to the speaker.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.10. Example with pre-stem {o-} [A] 


oncirams « he makes sleep » EA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}


(FN)(AH)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gonciram

gonciramt

bonciram

2.sg.

monciram

monciramt


onciram

3.sg.

moncirams

monciraman

goncirams

gonciraman

oncirams

1.pl.



bonciramt

2.pl.

monciramt

gonciramt

onciramt

3.pl.

monciraman

gonciraman

onciraman

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.11. Example with pre-stem {o-} [B] 


ogorams (WestCentre) « he insults s.o.  » ED actional verb: post-stem{-am}


(FN)(AH)

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogoram

gogoramt

bogoram

2.sg.

mogoram

mogoramt


ogoram

3.sg.

mogorams

mogoraman

gogorams

gogoraman

ogorams

1.pl.


gogoramt

bogoramt

2.pl.

mogoramt


ogoramt

3.pl.

mogoraman

gogoraman

ogoraman


Cf. igorams : Eø actional verb « he uses swear words without presence of anyone »

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.12. Example with pre-stem {o-} [C] 


oşk’ums (West), oşkumers (Centre), oçkumers (HP), oçkumars (ÇX)

« he sends s.o. » EA actional verb : post-stem {-um},{-umer/-umar}

(PZ)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

ma

şk’u

si

t’k’va

him ; hini

ma

 

goşk’um

goşk’umt

voşk’um

si

moşk’um

moşk’umt

 

k’um

himuk

moşk’ums

moşk’uman

goşk’ums

goşk’uman

k’ums

şk’u

 

goşk’umt

voşk’umt

t’k’va

moşk’umt

 

k’umt

hinik

moşk’uman

goşk’uman

k’uman


(FN)(AH)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

ma

çku

si

tkva

heya ; hemtepe

ma

 

goşkumer

goşkumert

boşkumer

si

moşkumer

moşkumert

 

kumer

hemuk

moşkumers

moşkumenan

goşkumers

goşkumenan

kumers

çku

 

goşkumert

boşkumert

tkva

moşkumert

 

kumert

hemtepek

moşkumenan

goşkumenan

kumenan


(HP)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

ma

çkin

si

tkvan

iya ; entepe

ma

 

goçkumer

goçkumert

voçkumer

si

moçkumer

moçkumert

 

oçkumer

emuk

moçkumers

moçkumenan

goçkumers

goçkumenn

oçkumers

çkin

 

goçkumert

voçkumert

tkvan

moçkumert

 

oçkumert

entepek

moçkumenan

goçkumenan

oçkumenan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.13. Example with preverb {go-} : pre-stem {o-} 


gvoşinay (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ goşinams (AŞ-Dutxe)(Centre)(HP) ~ gvoşinaps (ÇX)

« he recalls s.th. to s.o. » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}


(ÇM-Ğvant)

subject

dative complment

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogoşinam

gogoşinamtu

govoşinam

2.sg.

gomoşinam

gomoşinamtu


gvoşinam

3.sg.

gomoşinay

gomoşinaman

gogoşinay

gogoşinaman

gvoşinay

1.pl.


gogoşinamtu

govoşinamtu

2.pl.

gomoşinamtu


gvoşinamtu

3.pl.

gomoşinaman

gogoşinaman

gvoşinaman


(FN)(AH)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


gogoşinam

gogoşinamt

goboşinam

2.sg.

gomoşinam

gomoşinamt


goşinam

3.sg.

gomoşinams

gomoşinaman

gogoşinams

gogoşinaman

goşinams

1.pl.


gogoşinamt

goboşinamt

2.pl.

gomoşinamt


goşinamt

3.pl.

gomoşinaman

gogoşinaman

goşinaman

____________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.14. Example with preverbs {ce-}{e-} : pre-stem {o-} [A]  


comç’ims (West), yomç’ims (CentreEast)

« the rain falls on s.o.» CD/AD actional verb (*) : post-stem {ø-}


(*) comç’ims is a øø/øD actional verb when it means : « rain seeps through the roof »


We gathered these verbs together in one article because they form an exception : it is one of rare cases where the preverb {ce-} of western dialects does not correspond to the preverb {ge-} in central and eastern dialects. (Idem for the verbs of the following article.)

comç’ims (West)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

cemomç’ims ~ cemomç’iy

cegomç’ims ~ cegomç’iy

comç’ims ~

comç’iy

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.





subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

cemomç’iman

cegomç’iman

comç’iman

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.





yomç’ims (FN)(AH)(HP)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

emomç’ims

egomç’ims

yomç’ims

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.





subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

emomç’iman

egomç’iman

yomç’iman

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.




______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.1.2.15. Example with the preverbs {ce-}{e-} : pre-stem {o-} [B] 


comtvams (West), yomtvams (CentreEast)

« the snow falls on s.o. » CD/AD actional verb: post-stem {-am/-ap}


As in the preceding article, we gethered these verbs in one article because they form an exception : it is one of rare cases where the preverb {ce-} of western dialects does not correspond to the preverb {ge-} in central and eastern dialects. Therefores, gyomtvams and yomtvams coexist in certains dialects of Fındıklı. further researches are necessary concerning their distribution.


comtvams (West)

subject

dative complment

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

cemomtvams ~ cemomtvay

cegomtvams ~ cegomtvay

comtvams ~

comtvay

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.





subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

cemomtvaman

cegomtvaman

comtvaman

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.





yomtvams (CentreEast)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

emomtvams ~ emomtvaps

egomtvams ~ egomtvaps

yomtvams ~

yomtvaps

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.





subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.




2.sg.




3.sg.

emomtvaman ~ emomtvapan

egomtvaman ~ egomtvapan

yomtvaman ~ yomtvapan

1.pl.




2.pl.




3.pl.




______________________________________________________________________


13.4.1.2. Prohibitive mood


Formation : prohibitive mood marker mot- ~ mo- ~ moy- + imperfective present tense


In Laz, the prohibitive mood exists only in the 2nd person. Prohibition in the 1st and 3rd persons is expressed by the prohibito-optative mood. (*)(→ 13.4.3.2., 13.4.5.1.2.)


●●● (*)(AK) According to the informations given by Timur Cumhur, inhabtant of Akçakoca-Döngelli, the prohibito-optative mood 2nd person forms are used instead of prohibitive mood in the dialects of Akçakoca.


■■■ The prohibitive mood marker mot- ~ mo- ~ moy- is not confounded in the spoken language with the interrogative adverb mot ~ mo ~ moy « why » in spite of their homophony since their intonation is different. On the contrary, the use of hyphen and interrogation mark is indispensable in the written language.


mot-doxedur.  : do not sit down ! (interlocutor singular)

mot-doxedurt. : do not sit down ! (interlocutor plural)


mot doxedur ?  : why do you sit down ? (interlocutor singular)

mot doxedurt ? : why do you sit down ? (interlocutor plural)

_____________________________________________________________________________


13.4.2. Imperfective past tense


13.4.2.1. Basic forms

13.4.2.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation

13.4.2.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation

13.4.2.1.3. Preceded by affirmation profix

13.4.2.2. Preceded by the adverb t’ora

13.4.2.3. Auditive

13.4.2.4. Votive

13.4.2.5. Converbs

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.1. Basic forms


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-}(1) (→ 11.3.1.1.)

II {m-}{g-}{ø-}(2) (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] post-stem {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-e/u + r};

{-omer/-umer}{-umer/-umar} ;

{-um/-umer/-ar} (→ 11.1.)  

[6] recollection-expectation marker {-t’-} (→ 11.2.)

[7] fused ending (*) {-i}{-u}{-t}{-es/-ey/-ez} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of person, number and present tense


Variants of anteposed person markers are described in the chapitre 11.

(1) {b-} = {ø-} ~ {b-} ~ {v-} ~ {p-} ~ {p’-}


but {b-} + {n -consonant..} = {m-...}

{b-} + {xt/xt’-...} = {pt/ft-...}


(2) {m-} = {ø-} ~ {m-} ~ {mp’-}

{g-} = {ø-} ~ {g-} ~ {k-} ~ {k’-}

____________________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation


[A] « he speaks » Eø actional verbs


post-stem : {-ø} ixap’ars (PZ)


post-stem : {-am/-ap}  ilak’irday (ÇM)

isinapams/isinapay (AŞ)(FN)

ip’aramitams (AH)

ğağalaps (HP-Sarp)

ğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)


« I was speaking » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM

1.sg.

vixap’art’i

vilak’irdamt’i

2.sg.

ixap’art’i

ilak’irdamt’i

3.sg.

ixap’art’u

ilak’irdamt’u

1.pl.

vixap’art’it

vilak’irdamt’it

2.pl.

ixap’art’it

ilak’irdamt’it

3.pl.

ixap’art’es

ilak’irdamt’ey


subject

west

centre and east

FN

1.sg.

visinapamt’i

bisinapamt’i

bisinapamt’i

2.sg.

isinapamt’i

isinapamt’i

isinapamt’i

3.sg.

isinapamt’u

isinapamt’u

isinapamt’u

1.pl.

visinapamt’it

bisinapamt’it(u)

bisinapamt’it

2.pl.

isinapamt’it

isinapamt’it(u)

isinapamt’it

3.pl.

isinapamt’ey

isinapamt’ey

isinapamt’ez


subject

AH

HP-Sarp

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bip’aramitamt’i

bğağalap’t’i

bğarğalap’t’i

2.sg.

ip’aramitamt’i

ğağalap’t’i

ğarğalap’t’i

3.sg.

ip’aramitamt’u

ğağalap’t’u

ğarğalap’t’u

1.pl.

bip’aramitamt’it

bğağalap’t’it

bğarğalap’t’it

2.pl.

ip’aramitamt’it

ğağalap’t’it

ğarğalap’t’it

3.pl.

ip’aramitamt’ez

ğağalap’t’es

ğarğalap’t’ez


In eastern dialects, the consonant of the post-stem /p/ is regularly ejectivized in /p’/ before ejective consonant /t’/.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


[B] « he writes » EA actional verb : complement only in the 3rd person

: post-stem {-um/-up}


nç’arums (West)


« I was writing  » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

1.sg.

mç’arumt’i

mç’arumt’i

2.sg.

nç’arumt’i

nç’arumt’i

3.sg.

nç’arumt’u

nç’arumt’u

1.pl.

mç’arumt’it

mç’arumt’it

2.pl.

nç’arumt’it

nç’arumt’it

3.pl.

nç’arumt’es

nç’arumt’ey


ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East)


subject

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ç’a(r)umt’i

p’ç’a(r)up’t’i

2.sg.

ç’a(r)umt’i

ç’a(r)up’t’i

3.sg.

ç’a(r)umt’u

ç’a(r)up’t’u

1.pl.

p’ç’a(r)umt’it

p’ç’a(r)up’t’it

2.pl.

ç’a(r)umt’it

ç’a(r)up’t’it

3.pl.

ç’a(r)umt’ez

ç’a(r)up’t’ez

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


[C] imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-er}


« I was running away » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ west

1.sg.

vimt’ert’i

vimt’ert’i

bimt’ert’i

2.sg.

imt’ert’i

imt’ert’i

imt’ert’i

3.sg.

imt’ert’u

imt’ert’u

imt’ert’u

1.pl.

vimt’ert’it

vimt’ert’it

bimt’ert’it

2.pl.

imt’ert’it

imt’ert’it

imt’ert’it

3.pl.

imt’ert’es

imt’ert’ey

imt’ert’tey


subject

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bimt’e(r)t’i

vimt’e(r)t’i

2.sg.

imt’e(r)t’i

imt’e(r)t’i

3.sg.

imt’e(r)t’u

imt’e(r)t’i

1.pl.

bimt’e(r)t’it

vimt’e(r)t’it

2.pl.

imt’e(r)t’it

imt’e(r)t’it

3.pl.

imte(r)t’ez

imt’e(r)t’ez

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation


Example with preverb : pre-stem {ø-} 


meçams « he gives » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}


(FN)(AH) « you were giving to me » etc

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekçamt’i

mekçamt’it

mepçamt’i

2.sg.

momçamt’i

momçamt’it


meçamt’i

3.sg.

momçamt’u

momçamt’ez

mekçamt’u

mekçamt’ez

meçamt’u

1.pl.


mekçamt’it

mepçamt’it

2.pl.

momçamt’it


meçamt’it

3.pl.

momçamt’ez

mekçamt’ez

maçamt’ez


(HP)(ÇX)

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekçap’t’i

mekçap’t’it

mepçap’t’i

2.sg.

momçap’t’i

momçap’t’it


meçap’t’i

3.sg.

momçap’t’u

momçap’t’ez

mekçap’t’u

mekçap’t’ez

meçap’t’u

1.pl.


mekçap’t’it

mepçap’t’it

2.pl.

momçap’t’it


meçap’t’itt

3.pl.

momçap’t’ez

mekçap’t’ez

maçap’t’ez


In eastern dialects, the consonant of the post-stem /p/ is regularly ejectivized in /p’/ before ejective consonant /t’/.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.1.3. Imperfective past tense preceded by affirmation profix


{affirmation profix + imperfective past tense} = « he was in the habit of doing »


domi3’omert’u (AŞ) he was in the habit of telling me


This use of affirmation profix does not seem to be possible with all actional verbs. Further researches are necessary concerning this matter.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.2. Imperfecive past tense preceded by the adverb t’ora


{t’ora + imperfective past tense in the affirmative} = « he nearly did »


Handğa na-va-re var-maçkinuk’o, t’ora mebulut’t’i. (FN)


« I nearly came to you, if I could not know you were not there today »


●●● In this construction with t’ora, imperfective past tense in the affirmative expresses an action that is not realized.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.3. Imperfective auditive


Formation :


Imperfective past tense + -don(u) (PZ) ~ -do (ÇM) ~ -doren (FN)(AH) ; -ren (HP) ; {-eren/ -elen} (ÇX)


nç’arumt’u-donu (PZ) « they say that he was writing »

nç’arumt’u-do (ÇM)

ø (AŞ)

ç’a(r)umt’u-doren (FN)(AH)

ç’a(r)umt’u-ren (HP)

ç’arumt’eren (ÇX)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.4. Votive mood


Some rare actional verbs have no perfective form. In this case, the votive mood is formed from imperfective past tense in all dialects.


The adverb k’o (PZ-HP) ~ k’oyi (ÇX) « if only ! » appears optionally at the beginning of votive sentences.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.4.1. meşonums (West) « he expects the visit of s.o. » ED actional verb


(ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit)(AŞ) imperfective present tense  « I expect your visit » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekşonum

mekşonumtu

mepşonum

2.sg.

memşonum

memşonumtu


meşonum

3.sg.

memşonuy

memşonuman

mekşonuy

mekşonuman

meşonuy

1.pl.



mepşonumtu

2.pl.

memşonumtu

mekşonumtu

meşonumtu

3.pl.

memşonuman

mekşonuman

meşonuman


(ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit)(AŞ) imperfective votive mood « if only he expected my visit » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


mekşonumt’ik’o

mepşonumt’ik’o

2.sg.

memşonumt’ik’o


meşonumt’ik’o

3.sg.

memşonumt’uk’o

mekşonumt’uk’o

meşonumt’uk’o

1.pl.


mekşonumt’ik’ot

mepşonumt’ik’ot

2.pl.

memşonumt’ik’ot


meşonumt’ik’ot

3.pl.

memşonumt’ek’oy

mekşonumt’ek’oy

meşonumt’ek’oy


ergative subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


mekşonumt’ik’ot

mepşonumt’ik’o

2.sg.

memşonumt’ik’ot


meşonumt’ik’o

3.sg.

meşonumt’ek’oy

mekşonumt’ek’oy

meşonumt’uk’o

1.pl.


mekşonumt’ik’ot

mepşonumt’ik’ot

2.pl.

memşonumt’ik’ot


meşonumt’ik’ot

3.pl.

memşonumt’ek’oy

mekşonumt’ek’oy

meşonumt’ek’oy

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.4.2. meşvens (CentreEast) « he expects the visit of s.o. » ED actional verb


imperfective present tense « you expect my visit » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekşven

mekşvent

mepşven

2.sg.

memşven

memşvent


meşven

3.sg.

memşvens

memşvenan

mekşvens

mekşvenan

meşvens

1.pl.


mekşvent

mepşvent

2.pl.

memşvent


meşvent

3.pl.

memşvenan

mekşvenan

meşvenan


(FN)(AH) imperfective votive mood « if only he expected your vsit » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


mekşvent’ik’o

mepşvent’ik’o

2.sg.

memşvent’ik’o


meşvent’ik’o

3.sg.

memşvent’uk’o

mekşvent’uk’o

meşvent’uk’o

1.pl.


mekşvent’it’k’o

mepşvent’it’k’o

2.pl.

memşvent’it’k’o


meşvent’it’k’o

3.pl.

memşvent’esko

mekşvent’esko

meşvent’esko


ergative subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


mekşvent’it’k’o

mepşvent’ik’o

2.sg.

memşvent’it’k’o


meşvent’ik’o

3.sg.

memşvent’esko

mekşvent’esko

meşvent’uk’o

1.pl.


mekşvent’it’k’o

mepşvent’it’k’o

2.pl.

memşvent’it’k’o


meşvent’it’k’o

3.pl.

memşvent’esko

mekşvent’esko

meşvent’esko


In the 3rd person plural, the phoneme /k’/ loses its ejectivity after /s/ and becomes /k/.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.4.3. x’orops (East) « he loves » ED actional verb


imperfective present tense « he loves you » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


k’x’orop

k’x’oropt

p’x’orop

2.sg.

mx’orop

mx’oropt


x’orop

3.sg.

mx’orops

mx’oropan

k’x’orops

k’x’oropan

x’orops

1.pl.


k’x’oropt

p’x’oropt

2.pl.

mx’oropt


x’oropt

3.pl.

mx’oropan

k’x’oropan

x’oropan


imperfective votive mood « if only he loved me » etc

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


k’x’orop’t’ik’on

p’x’orop’t’ik’on

2.sg.

mx’orop’t’ik’on


x’orop’t’ik’on

3.sg.

mx’orop’t’uk’on

k’x’orop’t’uk’on

x’orop’t’uk’on

1.pl.


k’x’orop’t’it’k’on

p’x’orop’t’it’k’on

2.pl.

mx’oropt’it’k’on


x’orop’t’it’k’on

3.pl.

mx’orop’t’eskon

k’x’orop’t’eskon

x’orop’t’eskon


ergative subject

dative complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


k’x’orop’t’it’k’on

p’x’orop’t’ik’on

2.sg.

mx’orop’t’it’k’on


x’orop’t’ik’on

3.sg.

mx’orop’t’eskon

k’x’orop’t’eskon

x’orop’t’u k’on

1.pl.


k’x’orop’t’it’k’on

p’x’orop’t’it’k’on

2.pl.

mx’orop’t’it’k’on


x’orop’t’it’k’on

3.pl.

mx’orop’t’eskon

k’x’orop’t’eskon

x’orop’t’eskon


In the 3rd person plural, the phoneme /k’/ loses its ejectivity after /s/ and becomes /k/.


K’o Yaşarik mx’orop’t’uk’onna ! Ah, if only Yaşari loved me !


The synonym oroms (Centre) has no perfective form either. (→ Irregular verbs, 13.8.1.1.4., 13.8.1.2.2.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.5. Converbs in the imperfective past tense

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.5.1. « when he was doing »


Formation of converb expressing simultaneity of actions in the past tense :


Imperfective past tense (basic form) + {-şa} (West)(FN)

{ şkul}(AH south-west)

{-şi} (AH centre)(East)


nç’arums (West) ~ ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East)  « he writes »


« when I was wriying » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN

1.sg.

mç’arumt’işa

mç’arumt’işa

p’ç’a(r)umt’işa

2.sg.

nç’arumt’işa

nç’arumt’işa

ç’a(r)umt’işa

3.sg.

nç’arumt’uşa

nç’arumt’uşa

ç’a(r)umt’uşa

1.pl.

mç’arumt’itşa

mç’arumt’itşa

p’ç’a(r)umt’itşa

2.pl.

nç’arumt’itşa

nç’arumt’itşa

ç’a(r)umt’itşa

3.pl.

nç’arumt’eşşa

nç’arumt’eyşa

ç’a(r)umt’eşşa


subject

AH-Pilarget

AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ç’a(r)umt’i şkul

p’ç’aumt’işi

p’ç’a(r)up’t’işi

2.sg.

ç’a(r)umt’i şkul

ç’aumt’işi

ç’a(r)up’t’işi

3.sg.

ç’a(r)umt’u şkul

ç’aumt’uşi

ç’a(r)up’t’uşi

1.pl.

p’ç’a(r)umt’it şkul

p’ç’aumt’itşi

p’ç’a(r)up’t’itşi

2.pl.

ç’a(r)umt’it şkul

ç’aumt’itşi

ç’a(r)up’t’itşi

3.pl.

ç’a(r)umt’e şkul

ç’aumt’eşşi

ç’a(r)up’t’e(ş)şi

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.2.5.2. (AH)(East) « until he did »


Formation of converb expressing « until + past tense » (1) :


Imperfective past tense + {-şa}(2)  (AH)(East)



●●● (1) (West)(FN) In western dialects and in those of Fındıklı, the formation is

simple perfective + {-şa}” for the synonymous converbs. (→ 13.4.4.7.)


●●● (2) (West)(FN) The same formation gives converbs meaning

« when he was doing » in western dialects and in those of Fındıklı.



« until he wrote » etc

subject

AH-Orç’a/Orç’i (*)

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ç’aumt’işa

p’ç’a(r)up’t’işa

2.sg.

ç’aumt’işa

ç’a(r)up’t’işa

3.sg.

ç’aumt’uşa

ç’a(r)up’t’uşa

1.pl.

p’ç’aumt’itşa

p’ç’a(r)up’t’itşa

2.pl.

ç’aumt’itşa

ç’a(r)up’t’itşa

3.pl.

ç’aumt’eşşa

ç’a(r)up’t’e(ş)şa


(*) (AH) Variants of formation are observed in Arhavi. More detailed researches are necessary concerning it.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3. Imperfective optative mood


13.4.3.1. Basic forms

13.4.3.1.1. Monopersonal cnjugation

13.4.3.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation


13.4.3.2. Prohibito-optative mood (ÇM)(AŞ)(CentreEast)

13.4.3.3. Converbs

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.1. Imperfective optative mood (basic forms)


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.1.)

II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] post-stem {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-e/u + r};

{-omer/-umer} {-umer/-umar} ;

{-um/-umer/-ar} (→ 11.1.)  

[6] recollection-expectation marker {-t’-} (→ 11.1., 11.2.)

[7] optative mood marker {-a-} (→ 11.5.)

[8] fused ending (*) {-ø},{-s/z};{-t},{-an} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of person, number and present tense


Optative mood marker {-a-} and the marker of 3rd person plural present tense {-an} are fused in /-an/.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.1.1. Monpersonal conjugation


Imperfective optative mood of actional verbs having perfective forms are not observed without affix in natural conversations. We show in the table below in grey letters theorical basic forms of imperfective optative mood which are deduced from complex forms such as prohibito-optative mood or optative converbs.


ip’aramitams (AH), ğağalaps (HP-Sarp), ğarğalaps (HP)

« he speaks » Eø actional verb


ergative subject

locality

AH

HP-Sarp

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bip’aramitamt’a

bğağalap’t’a

bğarğalap’t’a

2.sg.

ip’aramitamt’a

ğağalap’t’a

ğarğalap’t’a

3.sg.

ip’aramitamt’az

ğağalap’t’as

ğarğalap’t’az

1.pl.

bip’aramitamt’at

bğağalap’t’at

bğarğalap’t’at

2.pl.

ip’aramitamt’at

ğağalap’t’at

ğarğalap’t’at

3.pl.

ip’aramitamt’an

ğağalap’t’an

ğarğalap’t’an

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation


çams « he makes s.o. eat s.th. » EDA actional verb

« he [ergative] s.th. [absolutive] s.o. [dative] makes eat »


(FN)(AH)

ergative subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


kçamt’a

kçamt’at

pçamt’a

2.sg.

mçamt’a

mçamt’at


çamt’a

3.sg.

mçamt’az

mçamt’an

kçamt’az

kçamt’an

çamt’az

1.pl.


kçamt’at

pçamt’at

2.pl.

mçamt’at


çamt’at

3.pl.

mçamt’an

kçamt’an

çamt’an

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.2. Imperfective prohibito-optative mood (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)


« I wish he does not do » etc


Formation : Imperfective optative mood + mot- ~ mo- ~ moy- (1)(2)


Mo(y)-ulurt’ay. (ÇM)(AŞ) I wish he does not go !

~ Mo(t)-ulut’az. (CentreEast)


(1) (AŞ) Also mondo- in Ardeşen.

(2) Prohibito-optative mood is perfective in Pazar and Akçakoca. (→ 13.4.5.3.)

_____________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.2.1. Monopersonal conjugation


ip’aramitams (AH), ğağalaps (HP-Sarp), ğarğalaps (HP) 

« he speaks » Eø actional verb


« I wish he does not speak ! » etc

subject

AH

HP-Sarp

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

mot-bip’aramitamt’a

mo-bğağalap’t’a

mo-bğarğalap’t’a

2.sg.

mot-ip’aramitamt’a

mo-ğağalap’t’a

mo-ğarğalap’t’a

3.sg.

mot-ip’aramitamt’az

mo-ğağalap’t’as

mo-ğarğalap’t’az

1.pl.

mot-bip’aramitamt’at

mo-bğağalap’t’at

mo-bğarğalap’t’at

2.pl.

mot-ip’aramitamt’at

mo-ğağalap’t’at

mo-ğarğalap’t’at

3.pl.

mot-ip’aramitamt’an

mo-ğağalap’t’an

mo-ğarğalap’t’an

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.2.2. Bipersonal conjugation


çams « he makes s.o. eat s.th. » EDA actional verb


(FN)(AH) « I wish he does not make me eat ! » etc

subj.

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg


mot-kçamt’a

mot-kçamt’at

mot-pçamt’a

2.sg

mot-mçamt’a

mot-mçamt’at


mot-çamt’a

3.sg

mot-mçamt’az

mot-mçamt’an

mot-kçamt’az

mot-kçamt’an

mot-çamt’az

1.pl


mot-kçamt’at

mot-pçamt’at

2.pl

mot-mçamt’at


mot-çamt’at

3.pl

mot-mçamt’an

mot-kçamt’an

mot-çamt’an

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.3. Converbs

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.3.1. « when he does ; when he will do » (unique action)


Formation of converb expressing simultaneity of actions in the present or future tenses (*) :


Imperfective optative mood + {-şa} (West)(FN)

{ şkul}(AH south-west)

{-şi} (AH centre)(East)

(*) Formation of these converbs let think that, logically, they should be always followed by the main clause in the present or future tenses. The reality is that they are also used with the main proposition in the past tense by a certain number of Laz. Further researches are necessary about this apparent contradiction.


●●● In the 3rd person singular, the phonemes /s/ and /z/ disappear very often before /ş/. They are sometimes realized as /ş/ by regressive assimilation.


nç’arums (West) ~ ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East) « he writes »


« when he writes ; when he wil write »

subject

PZ, ÇM, AŞ

FN

1.sg.

mç’arumt’aşa

p’ç’a(r)umt’aşa

2.sg.

nç’arumt’aşa

ç’a(r)umt’aşa

3.sg.

nç’arumt’aşa

ç’a(r)umt’aşa

1.pl.

mç’arumt’atşa

p’ç’a(r)umt’atşa

2.pl.

nç’arumt’atşa

ç’a(r)umt’atşa

3.pl.

nç’arumt’anşa

ç’a(r)umt’anşa


subject

AH-Pilarget

AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ç’a(r)umt’a şkul

p’ç’aumt’aşi

p’ç’a(r)up’t’aşi

2.sg.

ç’a(r)umt’a şkul

ç’aumt’aşi

ç’a(r)up’t’aşi

3.sg.

ç’a(r)umt’a şkul

ç’aumt’aşi

ç’a(r)up’t’aşi

1.pl.

p’ç’a(r)umt’at şkul

p’ç’aumt’atşi

p’ç’a(r)up’t’atşi

2.pl.

ç’a(r)umt’at şkul

ç’aumt’atşi

ç’a(r)up’t’atşi

3.pl.

ç’a(r)umt’an şkul

ç’aumt’anşi

ç’a(r)up’t’anşi

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.3.2. (AH)(HP)(ÇX) « until he does »


Formation of converb expressing « until (in the future) » (1) :


Imperfective optative mood + {-şa}(2)  (AH)(East)



●●● (1) (West)(FN) In western dialects and in those of Fındıklı, the formationis

perfective optative mood + {-şa}” for the synonymous converbs. (→ 13.4.5.5.)


●●● (2) (West)(FN) The same formation gives converbs meaning

« when he will do » in the dialects of Pazar-Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen-Fındıklı.


« until he writes »

subject

AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

p’ç’aumt’aşa

p’ç’a(r)up’t’aşa

2.sg.

ç’aumt’aşa

ç’a(r)up’t’aşa

3.sg.

ç’aumt’aşa

ç’a(r)up’t’aşa

1.pl.

p’ç’aumt’atşa

p’ç’a(r)up’t’atşa

2.pl.

ç’aumt’atşa

ç’a(r)up’t’atşa

3.pl.

ç’aumt’anşa

ç’a(r)up’t’anşa

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.3.3.3. (FN) « when he does » (customarily repeated action)


Formation of converb expressing simultaneity of customarily repeated actions :


Imperfective optative mood + {-(y)iz}


(Converbs of this formation are observed only in Fındıklı.)


Komşiluğişa bulut’ayiz bazi,

Gzalepez memager. Mot-ikom nazi.(1)


« When I go to see my neighbours sometimes,

You cross me on the way. Do not make a pretence of not seeing me. »


komşiluğişa : komşiluği (neighbourhood) in the directive < Turkish komşuluk

bulut’ayiz : ulun (go) : imperfective optative 1st pers.sg. bulu(r)t’a + -(y)iz

: « when I go as usual »

bazi : sometimes < Turkish bazı

gzalepez : gza (way, street, road) pl. locative « on the ways ; in the roads »

memager : nagen (cross by chance) imperfective present with subject in the 2nd pers.sg.

and complement in the 1st pers.sg.

mot-ikom : ikoms (do) prohibitive sg. « do not do »

nazi : « pretence of noticing nothing » < Turkish naz < Persian


(1) The first verses of the 6th quatrain of destani in 18 quatrains “Ar çiçeğiz ar but’k’uci noxedun” (A bee settles on a flower) : poem and music of Mustafa Türkselçi, Fındıklı-Xazara.


destani : Poem of hopeless love. Verses contain eleven syllables each. First three verses

of each quatrain have in common the same vowel in the penultimate syllable and

the last syllable identical.

ar : « one, a certain »

çiçeğiz (*) : çiçeği (flower) in the locative < Turkish çiçek

but’k’uci : « bee »

noxedun : (insect or bird) settle or perch : indicative imperfective present 3rd pers.sg.


(*) This loan word of three syllables was prefered here to the word gyuliz (on the flower) which has only two syllables.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4. Perfective forms


13.4.4.1. Simple perfective (basic forms)

13.4.4.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation

13.4.4.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation

13.4.4.2. Preceded by the adverb t’ora

13.4.4.3. Imperative

13.4.4.4. Auditive

13.4.4.5. Pluperfect

13.4.4.6. Votive mood

13.4.4.7. Converbs and Adverbial clauses

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1. Simple perfective (basic forms)


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker (1) I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.1.)

II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] fused ending (*) {-i}{-u}{-t}{-es/-ey/-ez} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of person, number and past tense


● (1) Variants of anteposed person marker :

{b-} = {ø-} ~ {b-} ~ {v-} ~ {p-} ~ {p’-}


but {b-} + {n -consonant...} = {m-...}

{b-} + {xt/xt’-...} = {pt/ft-...}


{m-} = {ø-} ~ {m-} ~ {mp’-}

{g-} = {ø-} ~ {g-} ~ {k-} ~ {k’-}

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.1.1. « he speaks » Eø actional verbs


post-stem {-ø:  ixap’ars (*) (PZ)


post-stem{-am/-ap}: ilak’irdams (ÇM)

isinapams (AŞ)(FN)

ip’aramitams (AH)

ğağalaps (HP-Sarp)

ğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)


(*) « he cries getting angry » in ÇM-AŞ.


« I spoke » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM

1.sg.

vixap’ari

vilak’irdi

2.sg.

ixap’ari

ilak’irdi

3.sg.

ixap’aru

ilak’irdu

1.pl.

vixap’arit

vilak’irdit

2.pl.

ixap’arit

ilak’irdit

3.pl.

ixap’ares

ilak’irdey


● (ÇM) ilak’irdey : in the interrogative, ilak’irdes-i ?


subject

west

centre and east

FN

1.sg.

visinapi

bisinapi

bisinapi

2.sg.

isinapi

isinapi

isinapi

3.sg.

isinapu

isinapu

isinapu

1.pl.

visinapit

bisinapit

bisinapit

2.pl.

isinapit

isinapit

isinapit

3.pl.

isinapey

isinapey

isinapez


(AŞ) isinapey, (FN) isinapez : in the interrogative, isinapes-i ?


subject

AH

HP-Sarp

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

bip’aramiti

bğağali

bğarğali

2.sg.

ip’aramiti

ğağali

ğarğali

3.sg.

ip’aramitu

ğağalu

ğarğalu

1.pl.

bip’aramitit

bğağalit

bğarğalit

2.pl.

ip’aramitit

ğağalit

ğarğalit

3.pl.

ip’aramitez

ğağales

ğarğalez


Cf. ğarğalams (West, a part) (a baby) emits incomprehensible sounds

(Centre) he cries getting angry

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.1.2. imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-er}


I ran” vs

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ west

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

vimt’i

vimt’i

bimt’i

bimt’i

vimt’i

2.sg.

imt’i

imt’i

imt’i

imt’i

imt’i

3.sg.

imt’u

imt’u

imt’u

imt’u

imt’u

1.pl.

vimt’it

vimt’it

bimt’it

bimt’it

vimt’it

2.pl.

imt’it

imt’it

imt’it

imt’it

imt’it

3.pl.

imt’es

imt’ey

imt’ey

imt’ez

imt’ez

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation  

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.2.1. yomtvams (CentreEast) CD/AD actional verb


1. CD Actional verb « it snows on s.o. »

2. AD Actional verb « (solid matter) falls on s.o. like snow »


In this article, subject (which can be non-apparent) and dative complement are disposed in an unusual way in the tables.


dative complement

forms with subject in the 3rd person singular (*)

imperfective present tense

simple perfective

1.sg.

emomtvams

emomtu

2.sg.

egomtvams

egomtu

3.sg.

yomtvams

yomtu

1.pl.

emomtvaman

emomtvez

2.pl.

egomtvaman

egomtvez

3.pl.

yomtvaman

yomtvez


(*) The verb remains in the singular even if the subject is in the plural.


Mtviri tiz emomtvams. (AH)(HP) The snow is falling on my head.


Tiz kva emomtu. (AH)(HP) (***) It rained stones on my head.


tiz : ti (head) in the dative case : « on the head »


●●● (***) As a rule, one Laz verb cannot govern more than one element in the dative case. In this example, the complement (= 1st person singular) is in the dative case with which the verb agrees in person. The “head” is in the locative case with which the verb does not agree in any way.


Synonym : umtvams (→ 13.4.4.1.2.6.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.2.2. goiç’k’ondinams (FN) actional verb EA

« he forgets s.th. that he does not want to remember »

(FN)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogiç’k’ondini

gobiç’k’ondini

2.sg.

gomiç’k’ondini


goiç’k’ondini

3.sg.

gomiç’k’ondinu

gogiç’k’ondinu

goiç’k’ondinu

1.pl.


gogiç’k’ondinit

gobiç’k’ondinit

2.pl.

gomiç’k’ondinit


goiç’k’ondinit

3.pl.

gomiç’k’ondinez

gogiç’k’ondinez

goiç’k’ondinez


subject

absolutive complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogiç’k’ondinit

gobiç’k’ondini

2.sg.

gomiç’k’ondinit


goiç’k’ondini

3.sg.

gomiç’k’ondinez

gogiç’k’ondinez

goiç’k’ondinu

1.pl.


gogiç’k’ondinit

gobiç’k’ondinit

2.pl.

gomiç’k’ondinit


goiç’k’ondinit

3.pl.

gomiç’k’ondinez

gogiç’k’ondinez

goiç’k’ondinez

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.2.3. goiç’k’endinams (AH) actional verb EA

« he forgets s.th. that he does not want to remember »


[The conjugation of this verb is identical with that of the preceding synonym]


(AH)

subject

absolutive complement

1.sg.

2.sg.

3.sg.

1.sg.


gogiç’k’endini

gobiç’k’endini

2.sg.

gomiç’k’endini


goiç’k’endini

3.sg.

gomiç’k’endinu

gogiç’k’endinu

goiç’k’endinu

1.pl.


gogiç’k’endinit

gobiç’k’endinit

2.pl.

gomiç’k’endinit


goiç’k’endinit

3.pl.

gomiç’k’endinez

gogiç’k’endinez

goiç’k’endinez


subject

absolutive complement

1.pl.

2.pl.

3.pl.

1.sg.


gogiç’k’endinit

gobiç’k’endini

2.sg.

gomiç’k’endinit


goiç’k’endini

3.sg.

gomiç’k’endinez

gogiç’k’endinez

goiç’k’endinu

1.pl.


gogiç’k’endinit

gobiç’k’endinit

2.pl.

gomiç’k’endinit


goiç’k’endinit

3.pl.

gomiç’k’endinez

gogiç’k’endinez

goiç’k’endinez

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.2.4. « he sents s.o. » : post-stem{-um},{-umer/-umar}

oşk’ums (West), oşkumers (Centre), oçkumers (HP), oçkumars (ÇX)

(PZ)

ergative subject


absolutive complement

ma

şk’u

si

t’k’va

him ; hini

ma

 

goşk’vi

goşk’vit

voşk’vi

si

moşk’vi

moşk’vit

 

oşk’vi

himuk

moşk’u

moşk’ves

goşk’u

goşk’ves

oşk’u

şk’u

 

goşk’vit

voşk’vit

t’k’va

moşk’vit

 

oşk’vit

hinik

moşk’ves

goşk’ves

oşk’ves


(FN)(AH)

ergative subject

absolutive complement

ma

çku

si

tkva

heya ; hentere/hemtepe

ma

 

goşkvi

goşkvit

boşkvi

si

moşkvi

moşkvit

 

oşkvi

heyak/ hemuk

moşku

moşkvez

goşku

goşkvez

oşku

çku

 

goşkvit

boşkvit

tkva

moşkvit

 

oşkvit

henterek/hemtepek

moşkvez

goşkvez

oşkvez


(HP)

erg. subj.


absolutive complement

ma

çkin

si

tkvan

eya/iya ; entepe

ma

 

goçkvi

goçkvit

voçkvi

si

moçkvi

moçkvit

 

oçkvi

emuk

moçku

moçkvez

goçku

goçkvez

oçku

çkin

 

goçkvit

voçkvit

tkvan

moçkvit

 

oçkvit

entepek

moçkvez

goçkvez

oçkvez

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.1.2.5. umtvams (FN)(HP) CD/AD actional verb


1. CD actional verb « the snow falls on s.o. »

2. AD actional verb « it rains (solid matter) on s.o. »


dative complement

forms with subject in the 3rd person singular (*)

imperfective present tense

simple perfective

1.sg.

mimtvams

mimtu

2.sg.

gimtvams

gimtu

3.sg.

umtvams

umtu

1.pl.

mimtvaman

mimtvez

2.pl.

gimtvaman

gimtvez

3.pl.

umtvaman

umtvez


(*) The verb remains in the singular even if the subject is the plural.


Tiz kva mimtu. (FN)(HP) (***) It rained stones on my head.



●●● (***) As a rule, one Laz verb cannot govern more than one element in the dative case. In this example, the dative complement (= 1st person singular) is in the dative case with which the verb agrees in person. The “head” is in the locative case with which the verb does not agree in any way.


Synonym : yomtvams (→ 13.4.4.1.2.2.)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.2. Perfective simple preceeded by the adverb t’ora


{t’ora} + simple perfective in the affirmative = « he nearly did an action »


T’ora nca yat’u do nizu. (FN) The tree nearly fell and crush him. (*)

(*) Word-to-word : « The tree nearly fell on him and he nearly was crushed. »


●●● In this construction with the adverb t’ora, the perfective past tense in the affirmative expresses an action that did not happen.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.3. Imperative mood


In Laz, the imperative mood is homophonous with the simple perfective. (*) It is conjugated only in the 2nd person.


(*) Verbs having no perfective aspect like meşonums (West) ~ meşvens (CentreEast) « he hopes that s.o. comes to see him » or oroms (centre) ~ x’orops (east) « he loves » have no imperative mood.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


[A] Monopersonal conjugation


Representative form imperative 2nd pers. sg. imperatif 2nd pers. pl.


doxedun (he sits down) doxedi sit down ! doxedit sit down !

imt’en (he runs away) imt’i run away ! imt’it run away !

ulun (he goes) idi go ! idit go !

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


[B] Bibersonal conjugation


meçams «he gives » EDA actional verb


« give me ! » etc 

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.





2.sg.

momçi

momçit


meçi

3.sg.






1.pl.




2.pl.

momçit


meçit

3.pl.




______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.4. Auditive perfective

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.4.1. An example of verb monopersonally conjugated in the auditive perfective:


ulun « he goes »


idu-donu (PZ) it is said that he went

idu-do (ÇM)

ø (?) (AŞ)

idu-doren (FN)(AH)


ideren (HP)(ÇX)


In eastern dialects (= Hopa and Çxala), the verb ulun is conjugated as follows in the perfective auditive. The first vowel /e/ of the auditive marker is accented.


subject

HP, ÇX

1.sg

videre

2.sg

idere

3.sg

ideren

1.pl

videret

2.pl

ideret

3.pl

iderenan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.4.2. Use of the morpheme -doren in central dialects


◘◘◘ In central dialects, the morpheme -doren is sometimes used as equivalent of Turkish suffix {-miş/-mış/-muş/-müş} by some Laz-Turkish bilinguals. It makes often pleonasm. ◘◘◘


1. Quotation of determined person.

Kyazimik mi3’u. Hamserei mç’imaz noğai gzalepe mtel ment’ro3u-doren. (1)


« Kâzım told me. Because of the rain of yesterday night, landslip happened in all shopping streets, he said. »


cf. Kyazimik “Hamserei mç’imaz noğai gzalepe mtel ment’ro3u” ya mi3’u.


Kâzım said, “Because of the rain of yesterday night, landslip happened in all

shopping streets.


2. Explicitation that one did not witness the action.


Ham gyayiz a muntxa var-unt’alit-doren. Nostonik heşo zop’ons. (FN-Ç’enneti)


« It seems that you did not put something in this meal. The taste tells it. » 


Ar o3’k’edi. Mtugik t’uvra gamaxu-doren. (1) Look. It seems that rats made a hole in the sack.


Gepti do bo3’k’ediyiz karmat’e ok’ixu-doren. (1)


« When I went down and looked, it seemed that the mill was broken. »


cf. Gepti do bo3’k’ediyiz karmat’e ok’oxveri t’u.


When I went down and looked, the mill was broken.


Oncğore ezdez-doren. (1) It seems that they were lost to all shame .


P’et’mezi kyupişen kodibu-doren. (1) It seems that fruit paste leaked from the jar.


Ma bcant’işa dido mç’ima mç’imu-doren. (1) It seems that it rained while I was in bed.


Hemuz p’at’i oxorca naç’aru-doren. (2)


« It seems that he was destined to be married to an ill-natured woman. »


(1) Examples given by Nurdoğan Demir Abaşişi, inhabitant of Fındıklı-Sumla.

(2) Example given by Osman Büyüklü, inhabitant of Arhavi-centre.

_____________________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.5. Pluperfect


Example of the verb ulun « he goes »


idu-dot’u (PZ) he had gone

idu-dort’u (ÇM) (AŞ)

idu-dort’un ~ idu-dot’t’un (FN)

idu-dort’un (AH)


ideret’u (HP) (ÇX)


(West)(Centre) The pluperfect marker is invariable in western and central dialects.


(East) The verb ulun is conjuguated in the pluperfect as follows in eastern dialects. The first vowel /e/ of the marker is long and accented.


« I had gone » etc

subject

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

videret’i

2.sg.

ideret’i

3.sg.

ideret’u

1.pl.

videret’it

2.pl.

ideret’it

3.pl.

ideret’ez ~ ideret’es


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

●●● Certain Laz assert in their writings that the pluperfect of eastern dialects is formed from the participle (→ 14.). This analysis is erroneous. The pluperfect of these dialects is formed from the perfective stem. See the comparative table below.


(HP)

representative form

simple perfective 3.sg.

pluperfect 3.sg.

participle

imxors (he eats)

ç’k’omu

ç’k’omeret’u

ç’k’omeri

doxedun (he sits down)

doxedu

doxederet’u

doxuneri

ulun (he goes)

idu

ideret’u

xtimeri

_____________________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.6. Votive mood


« ah ! if only he had done ! »


Formation :


[A] (West)(FN) simple perfective + {-k’o}~{-k’on}


In western dialects, the marker of 1st and 2nd persons plural {-t} is postposed to the votive mood marker. The latter fuses with the multifunctional marker of 3rd person, plural and past tense {-es/ey} giving the forms {-ek’es}(PZ), {-ek’oy}(ÇM)(AŞ) and {-ek’os}(AŞ-Dutxe).



[B] (AH) The votive mood shows important differences among localities and even among

individuals in the dialects of Arhavi. Further researches are necessary on this

subject.

[C] (East) The votive mood is formed from perfective optative mood. (→ 13.4.5.)


(HP) In the dialects of Hopa, the votive marker is {-k’on/-k’onna}.


(ÇX) In the dialects of Çxala, the votive marker is {-k’o}.


(West)(FN) All forms in the table below are accented on the initial syllable.


perfective votive mood of the verb ulun « ah ! if only I had gone ! » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM

AŞ-Ortaalan

FN-Ç’anapet

FN-Sumla

1.sg.

vidik’o

vidik’o

bidik’o

bidik’o

bidik’on

2.sg.

idik’o

idik’o

idik’o

idik’o

idik’on

3.sg.

iduk’o

iduk’o

iduk’o

iduk’o

iduk’on

1.pl.

vidik’ot

vidik’ot

bidik’ot

bidit’k’o

bidit’k’on

2.pl.

idik’ot

idik’ot

idik’ot

idit’k’o

idit’k’on

3.pl.

idek’es

idek’oy

idek’oy

idesko

ideskon


(AH)(East) The syllable containing the optative marker {-a-} is accented and long.


subject

AH (1)

HP (1)

ÇX

1.sg.

bidat’ik’o

vidat’ik’on ~ vidat’ik’onna

vidat’ik’o

2.sg.

idat’ik’o

idat’ik’on ~ idat’ik’onna

idat’ik’o

3.sg.

idat’uk’o

idat’uk’on ~ idat’uk’onna

idat’uk’o

1.pl.

bidat’it’k’o

vidat’it’k’on ~ vidat’it’k’onna

vidat’it’k’o

2.pl.

idat’it’k’o

idat’it’k’on ~ idat’it’k’onna

idat’it’k’o

3.pl.

idatesk’o

idat’eskon ~ idat’eskonna

idat’esko


(CentreEast) The plural marker of 1st and 2nd persons {-t} is ejectivized in /t’/ before ejective consonant /k’/.

(CentreEast) The consonant /k’/ preceded by /s/ loses its ejectivity and becomes /k/.


(1) According to Ramiz Bekaroğlu, vidik’on(na) (if only I had gone) and vidat’ik’on(na) (if only I were going) are distinguished in Hopa-P’eronit. Same distinction is observed also in the dialects of Arhavi. Further researches are necessary on this subject.


----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

At the beginning of votive sentence, the adverb k’o (PZ-HP) or k’oyi (ÇX) « ah ! if only » appears facultatively.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


●●● (FN) In the dialects of Fındıklı, the sentence-initial adverb egizila precedes two votive sentences joined by the conjunction do and expresses that one regrets not having done the best choice.


Egizila komepçik’o do henterez uğut’uk’o.


«  Ah, if only I had given it to them, they should have kept it ! »


Egizila hek bort’ik’o do si a kogz*irik’o.


« Ah, if only I stayed there, I should see you ! »

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7. Converbs and adverbial clauses in the simple perfective 

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.1. (PZ) {p’i} + simple perfective in the affirmative + {-şe}


p’i moft’işe (PZ) shortly before I came


p’i moxt’uşe (PZ) shortly before he came

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7..2. (ÇM)(AŞ) {p’ri} + simple perfective in the affirmative


p’ri moft’i (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before I came


p’ri moxt’u (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before he came

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.3. simple perfective form + {-şa}

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.3.1. (West)(FN) simple perfective in the affirmative + {-şa}


him iduşa (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) until he came

~ heya iduşa (FN)


● (AH)(East) In Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala, converbs in the imperfective past tense have

this meaning.


ulu(r)t’uşa (AH)(HP)(ÇX) until he came

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.3.2.. simple perfective in the negative + {-şa}


hini var-ideşşa (PZ) as long as they did not go

~ hini var-ideyşa (ÇM)(AŞ)

~ hentere var-ideşşa (FN)

~ hemtepe var-ide(ş)şa (AH)

~ entepe var-ideşşa (HP)(ÇX)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.4. simple perfective in the affirmative + {-sis/-is}, {-si/-i}, {-(y)iz}, {-şi}


« when I went » etc


subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN

AH, HP, ÇX

1. sg.

vidisis

vidisi ~ bidisi

bidi(y)iz

bidişi ~ vidişi

2. sg.

idisis

idisi

idi(y)iz

idişi

3. sg.

idusis

idusi

idu(y)iz

iduşi

1. pl.

viditis

viditi ~ biditi

biditiz

biditşi ~ viditşi

2. pl.

iditis

iditi

iditiz

iditşi

3. pl.

idesis

idesi

idesiz

ide(ş)şi

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.5.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


13.4.4.7.5.1. (PZ-HP)


simple perfective in the aiffirmative + {şk’ule/ şuk’ule/ şik’ule/ şkul/ şkule}


him mendaxt’u şk’ule (PZ) after he went

~ him mendaxt’u şuk’ule (ÇM)

~ him mendaxt’u şik’ule (AŞ-Jilen Mzğem)

~ heya mendaxtu şkule (FN)(AH)

~ heya mendaxtu şkul (AH-Jin Napşit)

~ eya mendaxtu şkule (HP)



The action that is expressed in the adverbial clause can be the cause or the reason of the action which is expressed in the main clause.


Doçvapi şkule komeçi do igzalaz. (FN)


« Since you made him wait, give him something and he shall go. »

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


13.4.4.7.5.2. (ÇX) simple perfective in the affirmative + {-şi/-yi} + k’ule


iya mindaxtuşi k’ule (ÇX) after he went

~ iya mindaxtuyi k’ule

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.4.7.6. (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN) simple perfective in the affirmative +{var}/{do var}


moxt’u var, (ÇM) as soon as he came

moxt’u do var, (AŞ)

moxtu var, (FN)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5. Perfective optative mood


13.4.5.1. Basic forms

13.4.5.2. Preceded by the negation markers vati (PZ), vato (ÇM), vat’o (AŞ)

13.4.5.3. Perfective prohibito-optative mood (PZ)(AK)

13.4.5.4. (AH)(East) Votive mood

13.4.5.5. Converbs and adverbial clauses

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.1. Basic forms


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] Preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.1.)

II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] optative mood marker {-a-} (→ 11.5.)

[6] fused ending (*) {-ø},{-s/z};{-t},{-an} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of person, number and the present tense


optative marker {-a-} + fused ending {-an} = /-an/

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation


imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-er}


« I wish I run away ! » etc

subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ west

FN, AH

HP, ÇX

1.sg.

vimt’a

vimt’a

bimt’a

bimt’a

vimt’a

2.sg.

imt’a

imt’a

imt’a

imt’a

imt’a

3.sg.

imt’as

imt’ay

imt’ay

imt’az

imt’az

1.pl.

vimt’at

vimt’at

bimt’at

bimt’at

vimt’at

2.pl.

imt’at

imt’at

imt’at

imt’at

imt’at

3.pl.

imt’an

imt’an

imt’an

imt’an

imt’an


The perfective optative mood in the 2nd person is rarely used without affix : the imperative mood has almost same meaning.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation


meçams « he gives » EDA actional verb


« I wish I give ! » etc

subject

dative complement

1.sg.

1.pl.

2.sg.

2.pl.

3.sg.pl.

1.sg.


mekça

makçat

mepça

2.sg.

momça

momçat


meça

3.sg.

momças ~ momçaz

momçan

mekças ~ mekçaz

makçan

meças ~ meçaz

1.pl.


mekçat

mepçat

2.pl.

momçat


meçat

3.pl.

momçan

mekçan

meçan

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.2. Preceded by the negation markers vati (PZ), vato (ÇM), vat’o (AŞ)


Andğa vati vida. (PZ) I shall probably not go today.

Andğa vato vida. (ÇM)


Hamdğa vat’o bida. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.3. Perfective prohibito-optative mood (PZ)(AK)


Formation : mot- + perfective optative mood (*)


Andğa mot- idas. (PZ) I wish he will not go today !

Andğa var-idas. (AK)


(*) For the prohibito-optative mood of all other dialects (mot-ulurt’ay, mot-ulut’az etc), see (→ 13.4.3.2.).

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.4. (AH)(East) Votive mood


In the dialects of Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala, the votive mood of actional verbs is formed from perfective optative mood. (*) For the conjugation table, see (→ 13.4.4.6.).


(*) Votive mood, that is formed from simple perfective, is also observed. Further researches are necessary on this subject.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5. Converbs and adverbial clauses

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.1. (PZ) p’i + perfective optative mood + {-şe}


p’i moft’aşe (PZ) shortly before I come


p’i moxt’aşe (PZ) shortly before he comes

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.2. (ÇM)(AŞ) p’ri + perfective optative mood


p’ri moft’a (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before I come


p’ri moxt’ay (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before he comes


For adverbial clauses having the same meaning, see (→ 13.4.6.3.).

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.3. perfective optative mood + {-şa}

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.3.1. (West)(FN) perfective optative mood in the affirmative {-şa}


him idaşa (PZ) until he goes

~ him ida(ş)şa (ÇM)(AŞ)

~ heya idaşa (FN)


(AH)(East) In Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala, synonymous converbs are of another formation : imperfective optative mood in the affirmative + {-şa}. For example, ulurt’aşa.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.3.2. perfective optative mood in the negative + {-şa}


hini var-idanşa (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) as long as they do not go

~ hentere var-idanşa (FN)

~ hemtepe var-idanşa (AH)

~ entepe var-idanşa (HP)(ÇX)


This formula can express also disapproval of inaction.


Hentere var-idanşa var-iven. (FN) It is not good if they do not go.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.4. perfective optative mood + {-sis/-is}, {-si/-i}, {-(y)iz}, {-şi}

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------


13.4.5.5.4.1. In the affirmative


when I go ; when I shall go” etc


subject

PZ

ÇM, AŞ

FN

AH, HP, ÇX

1. sg.

vidasis

vidasi ~ bidasi

bida(y)iz

bidaşi ~ vidaşi

2. sg.

idasis

idasi

ida(y)iz

idaşi

3. sg.

idasis

idasi

ida(y)iz

idaşi

1. pl.

vidatis

vidati ~ bidati

bidatiz

bidatşi ~ vidatşi

2. pl.

idatis

idati

idatiz

idatşi

3. pl.

idanis

idani

idaniz

idanşi

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13.4.5.5.4.2. In the negative (FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)


In central and eastern dialects (including those of Fındıklı), converb of the formation {perfective optative mood in the negative + -şi} can have two meanings according to the context.


heya var-idaşi (FN)(AH)(HP-P’eronit)

Eya var-idaşi (HP)

İya var-idaşi (HP)(ÇX)


1. as he does not go ; 2. (it is wrong) if he does not go

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.5. perfective optative mood in the affirmative +

{şk’ule/ şuk’ule/ şik’ule/ şkul/ şkule/ k’ule}


him mendaxt’a şk’ule (PZ) after he went

~ him mendaxt’a şuk’ule (ÇM)

~ him mendaxt’a şik’ule (AŞ-Jilen Mzğem)

~ heya mendaxta şkule (FN)(AH)

~ heya mendaxta şkul (AH-Jin Napşit)

~ eya mendaxta şkule (HP)


~ iya mindaxtaşi k’ule / (ÇX)

iya mindaxtayi k’ule


The ending of optative mood in the 3rd person singular is {-as ~ -az}. But the phonemes /s/ and /z/ disappear regularly before /ş/.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.5.5.6. (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN) perfective optative mood in the affirmative +{var}/{do var}


moxt’ay var, (ÇM) as soon as he comes

moxt’ay do var, (AŞ)

moxtas var, (FN)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.6. Future tense


13.4.6.1. Basic forms

13.4.6.2. Future-in-the-past tense

13.4.6.3. Adverbial clause (ÇM)(AŞ)

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.6.1. Basic forms


The formation of future tenses ( future and future-in-the-past) of actional verbs is quite parallel to that of verb of existence, stative verbs and evolutional verbs.

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[A] doxedun « he sits down » actional Aø verb


All forms in the tables below are accented on the initial syllable. Besides, the syllable containing the optative mood marker {-a-} is long and accented.


« I shall sit down » etc

subject

PZ westcentre

ÇM

PZ east, AŞ, FN

1.sg.

dopxedare

dopxedar

dopxedare

2.sg.

doxedare

doxedar

doxedare

3.sg.

doxedasere

doxedasen

doxedasen

1.pl.

dopxedatere

dopxedaten

dopxedaten

2.pl.

doxedatere

doxedaten

doxedaten

3.pl.

doxedanere ~ doxedanene

doxedanen

doxedanen


subject

AH-Jin-Napşit

AH centre

HP-Mxigi

1.sg.

dopxedar

dopxedare

dopxedaminon

2.sg.

doxedar

doxedare

doxedaginon

3.sg.

doxedasen

doxedasen

doxedasunon

1.pl.

dopxedaten

dopxedaten

dopxedatminonan

2.pl.

doxedaten

doxedaten

doxedatginonan

3.pl.

doxedanon

doxedanoren

doxedasunonan


subject

HP-Makreal

HP-Sarp

ÇX

1.sg.

dopxedaminon

dopxedaminon

dopxedaun ~ dopxedaunon

2.sg.

doxedaginon

doxedaginon

doxedaun ~ doxedaunon

3.sg.

doxedasinon

doxedasiyon

doxedasun ~ doxedasunon

1.pl.

dopxedaminonan

dopxedaminonan

dopxedatun ~ dopxedatunon

2.pl.

doxedaginonan

doxedaginonan

doxedatun ~ doxedatunon

3.pl.

doxedasinonan

doxedasiyonan

doxedanun ~ doxedanunon

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[B] mç’ims (PZ-HP), mç’vips (ÇX) « it rains »


Mç’ima mç’imasere. (PZ) It will rain.

~ Mç’ima mç’imasen. (ÇM-AH)

~ Mç’ima mç’imasunon. (HP-Mxigi)

~ Mç’ima mç’imasinon. (HP-Makreal)

~ Mç’ima mç’imasiyon. (HP-Sarp)

~ Mç’vima mç’vimasun. (ÇX)

~ Mç’vima mç’vasun. (***) (ÇX)


(***) In certain localities in Çxala, the stem of this verb is {mç’v-}. It is very rare that the post-stem has the form {-im/-ip}. In all other dialects, the stem of this verb is {mç’im-}.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.6.2. Future-in-the-past tense


● (AH) There is no specific form of future-in-the-past in the dialects of Arhavi where

the imperfective past tense of actional verbs (ex. dopxedurt’u) expresses also the

future-in-the-past.


doxedun « he sits down » actional verb


All forms in the tables below are accented on the initial syllable. Besides, the syllable containing the optative mood marker {-a-} is long and accented.


« I was going to sit down »

subject

PZ, ÇM, AŞ

FN-Ç’anapet

FN-Sumla

1.sg.

dopxedart’u

dopxedat’t’i

dopxedat’i

2.sg.

doxedart’u

doxedat’t’i

doxedat’i

3.sg.

doxedasert’u

doxedastun

doxedat’u

1.pl.

dopxedatert’u

dopxedat’t’it

dopxedat’it

2.pl.

doxedatert’u

doxedat’t’it

doxedat’it

3.pl.

doxedanert’u

doxedat’t’ez

doxedat’ez


subject

AH

HP-Mxigi

HP-Makreal

ÇX

1.sg.


dopxedamint’u

dopxedamint’u

dopxedaunt’u

2.sg.


doxedagint’u

doxedagint’u

doxedaunt’u

3.sg.


doxedasunt’u

doxedasint’u

doxedasunt’u

1.pl.


dopxedatmint’es

dopxedamint’es

dopxedatunt’es

2.pl.


doxedatgint’es

doxedagint’es

doxedatunt’es

3.pl.


doxedasunt’es

doxedasint’es

doxedanunt’es



(FN) In the dialects spoken in the villages of Ç’anapet, Manaster, Andravat, Ç’urç’ava etc in Fındıklı, the ending {-tun} of the 3rd person singular form doxedastun is irregular. If it is normal in Laz that the phoneme /t’/ loses its ejectivity after /s/, the presence of epithetical consonant /n/ remains enigmatic.


(FN) The future-in-the-past of the dialects spoken in the villages of Sumla, Ç’ennet etc in Fındıklı is homophonous with the « votive mood without {-k’o}» of Arhavi dialects.

______________________________________________________________________


13.4.6.3. Adverbial clause (ÇM)(AŞ)


Formation : p’ri + future tense (basic form)


p’ri vincirare (AŞ-Jilen Mzğem) shortly before I go in bed


See adverbial clause of the same meaning (→ 13.4.5.5.2.).

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13.5. Actional verb II : Potential mood


13.5.1. Imperfective present tense

13.5.2. Imperfective past tense

13.5.3. Converb in the imperfective optative mood

13.5.4. Simple perfective

13.5.5. Perfective optative mood 

13.5.6. Future tense


The potential mood expresses following nuances :


1. Capacity or right :


« he can »

« he may »

« he has right to do »


2. Lack of will :


« he does by mistake »

« he does reluctantly »

« he does with guilty conscience »


Verbs in the potential mood governs obligatorily the subject in the dative case. The dative complement is not explicit. Its conjugation is monopersonal.


Markers of different complex forms (auditive, pluperfect, prohibito-optative, votive, converbs, adverbial clauses) are identical with what are used in the indicative mood. The formation of future-in-the-past is parallel in both moods. There are no imperative or prohibitive moods in the potential.

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.1. Potential mood : Imperfective present tense 


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {a-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] fused ending (*) {-en},{-eran/-enan} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of imperfective aspect, person, number and the present tense


The formation of some stative verbs and most of evolutional verbs is identical with that of actional verbs in the potential mood. They govern the same construction of sentence.

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.1.1. Conjugation


Conjugation in the potential mood imperfective present tense of the verbs t’axums (he breaks), ulun (he goes) and mulun (he comes).


« he can break » « he breaks by mistake » etc

« he can go » « he goes reluctantly » etc

« he can come » « he comes reluctantly » etc


subject

t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups

ulun

mulun

1.sg.

mat’axen

malen

momalen

2.sg.

gat’axen

galen

mogalen

3.sg.

at’axen

alen

mvalen ~ malen

1.pl.

mat’axeran ~ mat’axenan

maleran ~ malenan

momaleran ~ momalenan

2.pl.

gat’axeran ~ gat’axenan

galeran ~ galenan

mogaleran ~ mogalenan

3.pl.

at’axeran ~ at’axenan

aleran ~ alenan

mvaleran ~ malenan


When the subject is in the plural, the ending is {-eran} in Pazar and Çamlıhemşin ; {-enan} - or sometimes {-ernan} - everywhere else.


Before /a/, the preverb {mo-} takes the form of {mv-}in Pazar and Çamlıhemşin ; {m-} in Ardeşen, Fındıklı, Arhavi and Hopa ; {mv-} or {m-} à Çxala.


In the dialects where the potential mood 1st person of the verb ulun and the potential mood 3rd person of the verb mulun are homophonous, it is possible to avoid the confusion by using affirmation profixes as follows.


(ulun) mendemalen I can go

mendegalen you can go

mendalen he can go


(mulun) komomalen I can come

komogalen you can come

komalen he can come

●●● (ÇX) In the dialects of Çxala, « he can come » is traduced according to the area by mvalen ~ homvalen ~ komvalen or malen ~ hommalen ~ kommalen. We establish here two regional specificities : 1° the affirmation profix has the variant {ho-}; 2° the preverb {mo-} has two variants before /a/, {mv-} and {mm-}.

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.1.2. Verbs having different stems according to the moods


Verbes having the pre-stem vowel {a-} and the multifunctional marker {-en} have generally no potential mood. Some verbs are exceptions to this rule. They have different stems according to the moods : the stem of potentiel mood is formed by the morpheme {-in-} suffixed to the stem of indicative mood.


indicative mood

potential mood

« he squats down »

« he can squat down » or

« he crouches »

West

camxven

camxvinen

CentreEast

gyamxven

gyamxvinen

(FN-Sumla)

gyanç’en

gyanç’inen


Some verbs, which have the pre-stem other than {a-} and the multifunctional ending other than {-en}, may have also different stems according to the moods with the morpheme {-in-}.


indicative mood

potentiel mood

« he weeps »

« he can weep » or

« he cannot keep back his tears »

(PZ) + (FN)(AH) + (ÇX)

ibgars

abgarinen

(ÇM)(AŞ)

ibgay

abgarinen

(HP)

imgars

amgarinen

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.2. Potentel mood : Imperfective past tense


subject

t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups

ulun

1.sg

mat’axert’u ~ mat’axe(r)t’u

malert’u ~ male(r)t’u

2.sg

gat’axert’u ~ gat’axe(r)t’u

galert’u ~ gale(r)t’u

3.sg

at’axert’u ~ at’axe(r)t’u

alert’u ~ ale(r)t’u

1.pl

mat’axert’es ~ mat’axert’ey ~ mat’axe(r)t’ez

malert’es ~ malert’ey ~ male(r)t’ez

2.pl

gat’axert’es ~ gat’axert’ey ~ gat’axe(r)t’ez

galert’es ~ galert’ey ~ gale(r)t’ez

3.pl

at’axert’es ~ at’axert’ey ~ at’axe(r)t’ez

alert’es ~ alert’ey ~ ale(r)t’ez

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.3. Potential mood : Converbs in the imperfective optative


Converbs in the potential mood imperfective optative of ulun « he goes »


« when he can go »


subject

(PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)

(AH-Pilarget)

(AH)(H)(ÇX)

1.sg.

malert’aşa ~ malet’aşa

malert’a şkul

male(r)t’aşi

2.sg.

galert’aşa ~ galet’aşa

galert’a şkul

gale(r)t’aşi

3.sg.

alert’aşa ~ alet’aşa

alert’a şkul

ale(r)t’aşi

1.pl.

malert’anşa ~ malet’anşa

malert’an şkul

male(r)t’anşi

2.pl.

galert’anşa ~ galet’anşa

galert’an şkul

gale(r)t’anşi

3.pl.

alert’anşa ~ alet’anşa

alert’an şkul

ale(r)t’anşi


The formation of these converbs makes think that, logically, they should be always followed by main clause in the present or future tenses. But we observe that they are also followed by main clause in the past tense in certain areas (as equivalent of converbs in the imperfective past tense like malert’uşa). Further researches are necessary on this matter.

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.4. Potential mood : Simple perfective


Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)


[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)

[2] anteposed person marker II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)

[3] pre-stem {a-} (→ 11.6.)

[4] stem (→ 11.1.)

[5] fused ending (*) {-u},{-es/-ey/-ez} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)


(*) marker of person, number and the past tense

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.4.1. Conjugation


Potential in the simple perfective of t’axums (he breaks) and mek’vatums (he cuts)


« I could break/ I broke by mistake » etc « I could cut/ I cut by mistake » etc

subj.

t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups

mek’vatums ~ mek’vatuy ~ mek’vatups

1.sg.

mat’axu

memak’vatu

2.sg.

gat’axu

megak’vatu

3.sg.

at’axu

nak’vatu

1.pl.

mat’axes ~ mat’axey ~ mat’axez

memak’vates ~ memak’vatey ~ memak’vatez

2.pl.

gat’axes ~ gat’axey ~ gat’axez

megak’vates ~ megak’vatey ~ megak’vatez

3.pl.

at’axes ~ at’axey ~ at’axez

nak’vates ~ nak’vaty ~ nak’vatez


potential mood of the EA actional verb mek’vatums = nak’vaten

« cut something by mistake » 


(Ma) xe memak’vatu. I have cut my hand by mistake.


Cf. Eø/EA actional verb k’vatums « 1. Eø be sharp, keen ; 2. EA cut »


Cf. EDA actional verb nuk’vatams (→ 12.5.13.4.)

1. cut what belongs to someone else

2. cut in place of someone else

______________________________________________________________________


13.5.5. Potential mood : Perfective optative


Table of conjugation in the potential mood perfective optative of the t’axums (he breaks) and meçams (he gives).


« I wish I can break » etc « I wish I give » etc

subject

t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups

meçams ~ meçay

1.sg.

mat’axas ~ mat’axay ~ mat’axaz

memaças ~ memaçay ~ memaçaz

2.sg.

gat’axas ~ gat’axay ~ gat’axaz

megaças ~ megaçay ~ megaçaz

3.sg.

at’axas ~ at’axay ~ at’axaz

naças ~ naçay ~ naçaz

1.pl.

mat’axan

memaçan

2.pl.

gat’axan

megaçan

3.pl.

at’axan

naçan



(ÇM)(AŞ) There is, in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen, a phrase that expresses flat refusal concerning an action in the future.


Formation : (ÇM) {vato} + potential in the perfective optative

(AŞ) {vat’o} + potential in the perfective optative


Him a p’ot’e domaç’irt’asen, vato memaçay. (ÇM-Ğvant) (1)

Him a p’ot’e domaç’ç’irt’asen, vat’o memaçay. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) (2)


« It will be necessary for me one day ; I cannot give it to you. »


(1) < Seçkin Yeniçırak

(2) < Tahsin Ocaklı

_____________________________________________________________________________


13.5.6. Potential mood : Future tense


Table of conjugation in the potential mood future tense of the verb t’axums (he breaks):


« I shall be able to break » etc or « I shall break by mistake » etc

subject

PZ westcentre

PZ east, ÇM, AŞ, FN

1.sg.

mat’axasere

mat’axasen

2.sg.

gat’axasere

gat’axasen

3.sg.

at’axasere

at’axasen

1.pl.

mat’axanere ~ mat’axanene

mat’axanen

2.pl.

gat’axanere ~ gat’axanene

gat’axanen

3.pl.

at’axanere ~ at’axanene

at’axanen


subject

AH-Jin-Napşit

AH centre

HP-Mxigi

1.sg.

mat’axasen

mat’axasen

mat’axasunon

2.sg.

gat’axasen

gat’axasen

gat’axasunon

3.sg.

at’axasen

at’axasen

at’axasunon

1.pl.

mat’axanon

mat’xanoren

mat’axasunonan

2.pl.

gat’axanon

gat’axanoren

gat’axasunonan

3.pl.

at’axanon

at’axanoren

at’axasunonan


subject

HP-Makreal

HP-Sarp

ÇX

1.sg.

mat’axasinon

mat’axasiyon

mat’axasun ~ mat’axasunon

2.sg.

gat’axasinon

gat’axasiyon

gat’axasun ~ gat’axasunon

3.sg.

at’axasinon

at’axasiyon

at’axasun ~ at’axasunon

1.pl.

mat’axasinonan

mat’axasiyonan

mat’axanun ~ mat’axanunon

2.pl.

gat’axasinonan

gat’axasiyonan

gat’axanun ~ gat’axanunon

3.pl.

at’axasinonan

at’axasiyonan

at’axanun ~ at’axanunon