13.4. Actional verbs I : Indicative mood
(and secondary moods deriving from it : optative, votive, imperative, prohibitive and prohibito-optative)
13.4.1. Imperfective present tense (+ prohibitive mood)
13.4.2. Imperfective past tense (+ votif)
(+ converbs)
13.4.3. Imperfective optative mood (+ prohibito-optative mood) (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)
(+ converbs)
13.4.4. Perfective basic form (+ auditive forms)
(+ pluperfect)
(+ votive mood) (West)(FN))
(+ imperative)
(+ adverbial clauses)
13.4.5. Perfective optative mood (+ prohibito-optative mood) (PZ)(AK)
(+ votive mood) (AH)
(+ adverbial clauses)
13.4.6. Future tense (+ future-in-the-past)
(+ adverbial clauses)
The pre-stem (1) and the post-stem (2) (in the indicative mood imperfective present tense) determine the conjugation of actional verbs.
(1) Pre-stem : {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)
(2) Post-stem : {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-er}{-ur}; {-omer/-umer} ;
{-umer/-umar} ; {-um/-umer/-ar}(→ 11.1.)
Besides, the presence or absence of the causative marker determine the post-stem in certain dialects of Arhavi.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1. Imperfective present tense
13.4.1.1. Basic forms
13.4.1.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
13.4.1.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
13.4.1.2. Prohibitive mood
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1. Basic forms
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (1) (→ 11.3.1.1.)
II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (2) (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] post-stem {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-e/u + r};
{-omer/-umer}{-umer/-umar};
{-um/-umer/-ar} (→ 11.1.)
[6] multifunctional fused ending (*) {-ø}{-s}{-n}{-an}{-t} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of person, number and present tense
● Variants of anteposed person markers are described in the chapter 11.
(1) {b-} = {ø-} ~ {b-} ~ {v-} ~ {p-} ~ {p’-}
but {b-} + {n -consonant ...} > {m-...}
{b-} + {xt/xt’-...} > {pt/ft-...}
(2) {m-} = {ø-} ~ {m-} ~ {mp’-}
{g-} = {ø-} ~ {g-} ~ {k-} ~ {k’-}
_____________________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
The conjugation is monopersonal if an actional verb is
- without complement,
- reflexive, or
- without dative complement and governs the absolutive complement only in the 3rd person.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.1. « he speaks » Eø actional verbs
Post-stem {-ø} ixap’ars (*) (PZ)
Post-stem{-am/-ap} ilak’irday (ÇM)(AŞ-Jilen-Mzğem)
isinapams/isinapay (AŞ)(FN)
ip’aramitams (AH)
ğarğalams/ğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)
ğağalaps (HP-Sarp)
● (*) (ÇM)(AŞ) The verb ixap’ars/ixap’ay means « he cries getting angry » in the
dialects of Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen.
ergative subject |
locality |
||
PZ |
ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit |
ÇM-M3’anu |
|
1.sg. |
vixap’ar |
vilak’irdam |
vilak’irdam |
2.sg. |
ixap’ar |
ilak’irdam |
ilak’irdam |
3.sg. |
ixap’ars |
ilak’irday |
ilak’irday |
1.pl. |
vixap’art |
vilak’irdamtu |
vilak’irdamte |
2.pl. |
ixap’art |
ilak’irdamtu |
ilak’irdamte |
3.pl. |
ixap’aran |
ilak’irdaman |
ilak’irdaman |
● (ÇM)(AŞ-Jilen-Mzğem) ilak’irday : in the interrogative, ilak’irdams-i ?
subject |
locality |
||
AŞ - west |
AŞ - centre and east |
FN |
|
1.sg. |
visinapam |
bisinapam |
bisinapam |
2.sg. |
isinapam |
isinapam |
isinapam |
3.sg. |
isinapay |
isinapay |
isinapams |
1.pl. |
visinapamtu |
bisinapamtu |
bisinapamt |
2.pl. |
isinapamtu |
isinapamtu |
isinapamt |
3.pl. |
isinapaman |
isinapaman |
isinapaman |
subject |
locality |
||
AH |
HP-Sarp |
HP, ÇX |
|
1.sg. |
bip’aramitam |
bğağalap |
bğarğalap |
2.sg. |
ip’aramitam |
ğağalap |
ğarğalap |
3.sg. |
ip’aramitams |
ğağalaps |
ğarğalaps |
1.pl. |
bip’aramitamt |
bğağalapt |
bğarğalapt |
2.pl. |
ip’aramitamt |
ğağalapt |
ğarğalapt |
3.pl. |
ip’aramitaman |
ğağalapan |
ğarğalapan |
● Cf. ğarğalams (West) «(a baby) emits incomprehensible sounds »
(Centre) « he cries getting angry »
____________________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.2. imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb: post-stem {-er}
subject |
locality |
|||
PZ |
ÇM-M3’anu |
ÇM, AŞ - west |
AŞ |
|
1.sg. |
vimt’er |
vimt’er |
vimt’er |
bimt’er |
2.sg. |
imt’er |
imt’er |
imt’er |
imt’er |
3.sg. |
imt’en |
imt’en |
imt’en |
imt’en |
1.pl. |
vimt’ert |
vimt’erte |
vimt’ertu |
bimt’ertu |
2.pl. |
imt’ert |
imt’erte |
imt’ertu |
imt’ertu |
3.pl. |
imt’eran |
imt’eran |
imt’eran |
imt’enan |
subject |
locality |
|
FN, AH |
HP, ÇX |
|
1.sg. |
bimt’er |
vimt’er |
2.sg. |
imt’er |
imt’er |
3.sg. |
imt’en |
imt’en |
1.pl. |
bimt’e(r)t |
vimt’ert |
2.pl. |
imt’e(r)t |
imt’ert |
3.pl. |
imte(r)nan |
imt’e(r)nan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.3. jun ~ cun (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ-Jilen-Mzğem) « (a bird etc) flies » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-ur}
(PZ)(ÇM-Ğvant)(AŞ-Jilen Mzğem)
subject |
imperfective |
||
present |
past |
optative |
|
1. sg. |
bjur |
bjurt’i |
bjurt’a |
2. sg. |
jur |
jurt’i |
jurt’a |
3. sg. |
jun |
jurt’u |
jurt’as ~ jurt’ay |
1. pl. |
bjurt ~ bjurtu |
bjurt’it |
bjurt’at |
2. pl. |
jurt ~ jurtu |
jurt’it |
jurt’at |
3. pl. |
juran |
jurt’es ~ jurt’ey |
jurt’an |
(ÇM-M3’anu)
subject |
imperfective |
||
present |
past |
optative |
|
1. sg. |
bcur |
bcurt’i |
bcurt’a |
2. sg. |
cur |
curt’i |
curt’a |
3. sg. |
cun |
curt’u |
curt’ay |
1. pl. |
bcurte |
bcurt’it |
bcurt’at |
2. pl. |
curte |
curt’it |
curt’at |
3. pl. |
curan |
curt’ey |
curt’an |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.4. putxun « (a bird etc) flies » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-ur}
subject |
locality |
||
AŞ |
FN, AH, HP |
ÇX |
|
1.sg. |
puptxur (*) ~ putxur |
putxur |
voputxur (**) |
2.sg. |
putxur |
putxur |
putxur |
3.sg. |
putxun |
putxun |
putxun |
1.pl. |
puptxurtu (*) ~ putxurtu |
putxu(r)t |
voputxurt (**) |
2.pl. |
putxurtu |
putxu(r)t |
putxurt |
3.pl. |
putxunan |
putxu(r)nan |
putxu(r)nan |
(*) Anteposed 1st person marker is realized generally as {ø-} before bilabial consonants /p/, /p’/, /b/ and /m/. Sometimes it appears at the end of the first syllable of the verb as an infix. (→ 13.8.2.)
(**) The vowel [o] of the initial syllable is not a pre-stem. It is an epenthesis without any grammatical function. It makes possible the pronunciation of anteposed person marker before bilabial consonant.
● Homophonous verb : putxun (PZ-Noxlamsu, Apso) « he is frightened »
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.5. « he says »
EA actional verbs : absolutive complement always in the 3rd person
it’urs ~ it’t’urs (West) post-stem {-ø}
zop’ons (Centre) post-stem {-ø}
tkumers/tkumars (East) post-stem {-umer/-umar}
subject |
PZ |
ÇM |
AŞ |
1.sg. |
vit’ur |
vit’ur |
vit’t’ur ~ bit’t’ur |
2.sg. |
it’ur |
it’ur |
it’t’ur |
3.sg. |
it’urs |
it’uy |
it’t’uy |
1.pl. |
vit’urt |
vit’urtu ~ vit’urte |
vit’t’urtu ~ bit’t’urtu |
2.pl. |
it’urt |
it’urtu ~ it’urte |
it’t’urtu |
3.pl. |
it’uran |
it’uran |
it’t’uran |
subject |
FN, AH |
HP |
ÇX |
1.sg. |
bzop’on |
ptkumer |
ptkumar |
2.sg. |
zop’on |
tkumer |
tkumar |
3.sg. |
zop’ons |
tkumers |
tkumars |
1.pl. |
bzop’ont |
ptkume(r)t |
ptkumart |
2.pl. |
zop’ont |
tkume(r)t |
tkumart |
3.pl. |
zop’onan |
tkume(r)nan |
tkumalan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.6. « he writes »
EA actional verb : absolutive complement always in the 3rd person
post-stem {-um/-up}
nç’arums (West)
subject |
PZ |
ÇM-M3’anu |
ÇM, AŞ |
1.sg. |
mç’arum |
mç’arum |
mç’arum |
2.sg. |
nç’arum |
nç’arum |
nç’arum |
3.sg. |
nç’arums |
nç’aruy |
nç’aruy |
1.pl. |
mç’arumt |
mç’arumte |
mç’arumtu |
2.pl. |
nç’arumt |
nç’arumte |
nç’arumtu |
3.pl. |
nç’aruman |
nç’aruman |
nç’aruman |
ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East)
subject |
FN, AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
p’ç’a(r)um |
p’ç’a(r)up |
2.sg. |
ç’a(r)um |
ç’a(r)up |
3.sg. |
ç’a(r)ums |
ç’a(r)ups |
1.pl. |
p’ç’a(r)umt |
p’ç’a(r)upt |
2.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt |
ç’a(r)upt |
3.pl. |
ç’a(r)uman |
ç’a(r)upan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.7. « he puts »
EA actional verb : absolutive complement always in the 3rd person
post-stem {-um/-umer/-var}
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ |
FN-Sumla |
FN, AH, HP |
ÇX |
1.sg. |
dobdum |
dobdum |
dobdumel |
dobdumer |
dobdvar |
2.sg. |
dodum |
dodum |
dodumel |
dodumer |
dodvar |
3.sg. |
dodums |
doduy |
dodumels |
dodumers |
dodvars |
1.pl. |
dobdumt |
dobdumtu |
dobdumelt |
dobdumert |
dobdvart |
2.pl. |
dodumt |
dodumtu |
dodumelt |
dodumert |
dodvart |
3.pl. |
doduman |
doduman |
dodumelnan |
dodumenan |
dodvalan (**) |
(*) In the dialects of FN-Sumla, forms such as dobdume(r), dodume(r), dodume(r)s ... are also observed. The phoneme /l/ “restores” in a way the post-stem that has been altered by the disappearing of /r/. This phonetical evolution must be a recent phenomenon.
(**) In the dialects of Çxala, the replacement of intervocalic /r/ by /l/ is observed very often.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.1.8. Reflexive verb : pre-stem {i-}
imbonams (West) ~ ibonams (Centre) ~ ibons (East)
« he washes himself » EA actional verb
imbonams (PZ) post-stem{-am}
subject |
dative complement = oneself |
|||||
1.sg. |
2. sg. |
3.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3. pl. |
|
1.sg |
vimbonam |
|
|
|
|
|
2.sg |
|
imbonam |
|
|
|
|
3.sg |
|
|
imbonams |
|
|
|
1.pl |
|
|
|
vimbonamt |
|
|
2.pl |
|
|
|
|
imbonamt |
|
3.pl |
|
|
|
|
|
imbonaman |
ibonams (Centre) post-stem{-am}
subject |
dative complement = oneself |
|||||
1.sg. |
2. sg. |
3.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3. pl. |
|
1.sg. |
bibonam |
|
|
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
ibonam |
|
|
|
|
3.sg. |
|
|
ibonams |
|
|
|
1.pl. |
|
|
|
bibonamt |
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
|
ibonamt |
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
|
|
ibonaman |
ibons (East) post-stem{-ø}
subject |
dative complement = oneself |
|||||
1.sg. |
2. sg. |
3.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3. pl. |
|
1.sg. |
vibon |
|
|
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
ibon |
|
|
|
|
3.sg. |
|
|
ibons |
|
|
|
1.pl. |
|
|
|
vibont |
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
|
ibont |
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
|
|
ibonan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
Conjugation is bipersonal if the actional verb governs :
- dative complement, or
- absolutive complement in all persons.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.1. Example without preverb : pre-stem {ø-}
çumers (FN)(AH)(HP) ~ çumels (FN-Sumla) ~ çumars (ÇX)
« he waits » EA actional verb : post-stem{-umer/-umel/-umar}
(FN)(AH)(HP)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
kçumer |
kçume(r)t |
pçumer |
|
2.sg. |
mçumer |
mçume(r)t |
|
çumer |
|
3.sg. |
mçumers |
mçume(r)nan |
kçumers |
kçume(r)nan |
çumers |
1.pl. |
|
kçume(r)t |
pçume(r)t |
||
2.pl. |
mçume(r)t |
|
çume(r)t |
||
3.pl. |
mçume(r)nan |
kçume(r)nan |
çume(r)nan |
çumels (FN-Sumla)(*)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
kçumel |
kçumelt |
pçumel |
|
2.sg. |
mçumel |
mçumelt |
|
çumel |
|
3.sg. |
mçumels |
mçumelnan |
kçumels |
kçumelnan |
çumels |
1.pl. |
|
kçumelt |
pçumelt |
||
2.pl. |
mçumelt |
|
çumelt |
||
3.pl. |
mçumelnan |
kçumelnan |
çumelnan |
(*) This table is dressed exclusively from informations given by Nurdoğan Demir Abaşişi.
(ÇX)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
kçumar |
kçumart |
pçumar |
|
2.sg. |
mçumar |
mçumart |
|
çumar |
|
3.sg. |
mçumars |
mçumalan |
kçumars |
kçumalan |
çumars |
1.pl. |
|
kçumart |
pçumart |
||
2.pl. |
mçumart |
|
çumart |
||
3.pl. |
mçumalan |
kçumalan |
çumalan |
Synonym : uyondrams (West)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.2. Example with preverb : pre-stem {ø-}
meçams « he gives » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}
(PZ) (FN)(AH)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekçam |
mekçamt |
mepçam |
|
2.sg. |
momçam |
momçamt |
|
meçam |
|
3.sg. |
momçams |
momçaman |
mekçams |
mekçaman |
meçams |
1.pl. |
|
mekçamt |
mepçamt |
||
2.pl. |
momçamt |
|
meçamt |
||
3.pl. |
momçaman |
mekçaman |
meçaman |
(HP)(ÇX)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekçap |
mekçapt |
mepçap |
|
2.sg. |
momçap |
momçapt |
|
meçap |
|
3.sg. |
momçaps |
momçapan |
mekçaps |
mekçapan |
meçaps |
1.pl. |
|
mekçapt |
mepçapt |
||
2.pl. |
momçapt |
|
meçapt |
||
3.pl. |
momçapan |
mekçapan |
meçapan |
● When the dative complement is in the 1st person, the preverb {me-}(= moving off from the speaker) is replaced by {mo-}(= approaching the speaker).
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.3. Example without preverb : pre-stem {i-}(*)
(*) without any apparent function for this verb
içinams (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)(AH); içinams ~ içinaps ~ içinops (East)
« he knows s.o.; he recognizes s.o. » EA actional verb : post-stem {-am} {-op}
(PZ)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
giçinam |
giçinamt |
viçinam |
|
2.sg. |
miçinam |
miçinamt |
|
içinam |
|
3.sg. |
miçinams |
miçinaman |
giçinams |
giçinaman |
içinams |
1.pl. |
|
giçinamt |
viçinamt |
||
2.pl. |
miçinamt |
|
içinamt |
||
3.pl. |
miçinaman |
giçinaman |
içinaman |
(FN)(AH)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
giçinam |
giçinamt |
biçinam |
|
2.sg. |
miçinam |
miçinamt |
|
içinam |
|
3.sg. |
miçinams |
miçinaman |
giçinams |
giçinaman |
içinams |
1.pl. |
|
giçinamt |
biçinamt |
||
2.pl. |
miçinamt |
|
içinamt |
||
3.pl. |
miçinaman |
giçinaman |
içinaman |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.4. Example without preverb : pre-stem {i-}
goişinams « he remembers » EA actional verb: post-stem{-am}
(ÇM-Ğvant)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogişinam |
gogişinamtu |
govişinam |
|
2.sg. |
gomişinam |
gomişinamtu |
|
goişinam |
|
3.sg. |
gomişinay |
gomişinaman |
gogişinay |
gogişinaman |
goişinay |
1.pl. |
|
gogişinamtu |
govişinamtu |
||
2.pl. |
gomişinamtu |
|
goişinamtu |
||
3.pl. |
gomişinaman |
gogişinaman |
goişinaman |
(FN)(AH)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogişinam |
gogişinamt |
gobişinam |
|
2.sg. |
gomişinam |
gomişinamt |
|
goişinam |
|
3.sg. |
gomişinams |
gomişinaman |
gogişinams |
gogişinaman |
goişinams |
1.pl. |
|
gogişinamt |
gobişinamt |
||
2.pl. |
gomişinamt |
|
goişinamt |
||
3.pl. |
gomişinaman |
gogişinaman |
goişinaman |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.5. Example without preverb : pre-stem{i-/u-}
umbonams (West) ; ubonams ~ ubons (Centre) ; ubons (East)
« he washes someone else » EDA actional verb : post-stem{-am}, {-ø}
umbonams (PZ)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gimbonam |
gimbonamt |
vumbonam |
|
2.sg. |
mimbonam |
mimbonamt |
|
umbonam |
|
3.sg. |
mimbonams |
mimbonaman |
gimbonams |
gimbonaman |
umbonams |
1.pl. |
|
gimbonamt |
vumbonamt |
||
2.pl. |
mimbonamt |
|
umbonamt |
||
3.pl. |
mimbonaman |
gimbonaman |
umbonaman |
ubons (Centre)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gibon |
gibont |
bubon |
|
2.sg. |
mibon |
mibont |
|
ubon |
|
3.sg. |
mibons |
mibonan |
gibons |
gibonan |
ubons |
1.pl. |
|
gibont |
bubont |
||
2.pl. |
mibont |
|
ubont |
||
3.pl. |
mibonan |
gibonan |
ubonan |
ubons (East)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gibon |
gibont |
vubon |
|
2.sg. |
mibon |
mibont |
|
ubon |
|
3.sg. |
mibons |
mibonan |
gibons |
gibonan |
ubons |
1.pl. |
|
gibont |
vubont |
||
2.pl. |
mibont |
|
ubont |
||
3.pl. |
mibonan |
gibonan |
ubonan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.6. Example with preverb : pre-stem {i-/u-}
guşinams (PZ) « he recalls s.th. to s.o. » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am}
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogişinam |
gogişinamt |
govuşinam |
|
2.sg. |
gomişinam |
gomişinamt |
|
guşinam |
|
3.sg. |
gomişinams |
gomişinaman |
gogişinams |
gogişinaman |
guşinams |
1.pl. |
|
gogişinamt |
govuşinamt |
||
2.pl. |
gomişinamt |
|
guşinamt |
||
3.pl. |
gomişinaman |
gogişinaman |
guşinaman |
● Synonym : gvoşinay (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ goşinams (AŞ-Dutxe)(Centre)(HP) ~ gvoşinaps (ÇX)(→ 13.4.1.1.2.13.)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.7. Exemple with preverb {ela-} : pre-stem{a-}
elvakten (AŞ) « he passes to see s.o. (*) » (1) AD actional verb : post-stem{-er}
(*) in his house, in his bureau, in his workshop etc
(AŞ-Ok’ordule)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
elegakter |
elegaktertu |
elebakter |
|
2.sg. |
elemakter |
elemaktertu |
|
elvakter |
|
3.sg. |
elemakten |
elemaktenan |
elegakten |
elegaktenan |
elvakten |
1.pl. |
|
elegaktertu |
elebaktertu |
||
2.pl. |
elemaktertu |
|
elvaktertu |
||
3.pl. |
elemaktenan |
elegaktenan |
elvaktenan |
Ma iri ndğa Amedi elebakter. (AŞ) I pass every day to see Amedi.
● (1) Homophony : according to Seçkin Yeniçırak, at Çamlıhemşin-Ğvant, a homophonous verb (which is also an AD actional verb) means « he is ashamed in front of s.o. ». Another verb golvakten means « he passes to see s.o. ».
According to S.Y., the dative complement of the verb elvakten, at Ğvant, is not in the fused oblique case but in the ambidirective case.
(ÇM-Ğvant) « he is ashamed in front of s.o. »
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
elegakter |
elegaktert(u) |
elevakter |
|
2.sg. |
elemakter |
elemaktert(u) |
|
elvakter |
|
3.sg. |
elemakten |
elemakteran |
elegakten |
elegakteran |
elvakten |
1.pl. |
|
elegaktert(u) |
elevaktert(u) |
||
2.pl. |
elemaktert(u) |
|
elvaktert(u) |
||
3.pl. |
elemakteran |
elegakteran |
elvakteran |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.8. Example with preverb {me-} : pre-stem {a-}
nacoxen (Centre・East) « he passes to see s.o.(*) » ED actional verb: post-stem{-er}
(*) in his house, in his workshop, in his bureau etc
(Centre)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
megacoxer |
megacoxert |
mebacoxer |
|
2.sg. |
memacoxer |
memacoxert |
|
nacoxer |
|
3.sg. |
memacoxen |
memacoxenan |
megacoxen |
megacoxenan |
nacoxen |
1.pl. |
|
megacoxert |
mebacoxert |
||
2.pl. |
memacoxert |
|
nacoxert |
||
3.pl. |
memacoxenan |
megacoxenan |
nacoxenan |
Ma k’at’a ndğaz Amediz mebacoxer. (Centre) I pass every day to see Amedi.
Amedik ma p’anda memacoxen. (FN) Amedi passes always to see me.
~ Amedik ma iyya memacoxen. (AH)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.9. Example with preverb {me-} : pre-stem {a-}
naonams « he follows s.o. » ED actional verb : post-stem {-am}
(Centre)
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
megaonam |
megaonamt |
mebaonam |
|
2.sg. |
memaonam |
memaonamt |
|
naonam |
|
3.sg. |
memaonams |
memaonaman |
megaonams |
megaonaman |
naonams |
1.pl. |
|
megaonamt |
mebaonamt |
||
2.pl. |
memaonamt |
|
naonamt |
||
3.pl. |
memaonaman |
megaonaman |
naonaman |
● The function of preverb is not apparent in this verb. It is never replaced by another one even if the subject is approaching to the speaker.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.10. Example with pre-stem {o-} [A]
oncirams « he makes sleep » EA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}
(FN)(AH)
ergative subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gonciram |
gonciramt |
bonciram |
|
2.sg. |
monciram |
monciramt |
|
onciram |
|
3.sg. |
moncirams |
monciraman |
goncirams |
gonciraman |
oncirams |
1.pl. |
|
|
bonciramt |
||
2.pl. |
monciramt |
gonciramt |
onciramt |
||
3.pl. |
monciraman |
gonciraman |
onciraman |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.11. Example with pre-stem {o-} [B]
ogorams (West・Centre) « he insults s.o. » ED actional verb: post-stem{-am}
(FN)(AH)
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogoram |
gogoramt |
bogoram |
|
2.sg. |
mogoram |
mogoramt |
|
ogoram |
|
3.sg. |
mogorams |
mogoraman |
gogorams |
gogoraman |
ogorams |
1.pl. |
|
gogoramt |
bogoramt |
||
2.pl. |
mogoramt |
|
ogoramt |
||
3.pl. |
mogoraman |
gogoraman |
ogoraman |
● Cf. igorams : Eø actional verb « he uses swear words without presence of anyone »
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.12. Example with pre-stem {o-} [C]
oşk’ums (West), oşkumers (Centre), oçkumers (HP), oçkumars (ÇX)
« he sends s.o. » EA actional verb : post-stem {-um},{-umer/-umar}
(PZ)
ergative subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
ma |
şk’u |
si |
t’k’va |
him ; hini |
|
ma |
|
goşk’um |
goşk’umt |
voşk’um |
|
si |
moşk’um |
moşk’umt |
|
oşk’um |
|
himuk |
moşk’ums |
moşk’uman |
goşk’ums |
goşk’uman |
oşk’ums |
şk’u |
|
goşk’umt |
voşk’umt |
||
t’k’va |
moşk’umt |
|
oşk’umt |
||
hinik |
moşk’uman |
goşk’uman |
oşk’uman |
(FN)(AH)
ergative subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
ma |
çku |
si |
tkva |
heya ; hemtepe |
|
ma |
|
goşkumer |
goşkumert |
boşkumer |
|
si |
moşkumer |
moşkumert |
|
oşkumer |
|
hemuk |
moşkumers |
moşkumenan |
goşkumers |
goşkumenan |
oşkumers |
çku |
|
goşkumert |
boşkumert |
||
tkva |
moşkumert |
|
oşkumert |
||
hemtepek |
moşkumenan |
goşkumenan |
oşkumenan |
(HP)
ergative subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
ma |
çkin |
si |
tkvan |
iya ; entepe |
|
ma |
|
goçkumer |
goçkumert |
voçkumer |
|
si |
moçkumer |
moçkumert |
|
oçkumer |
|
emuk |
moçkumers |
moçkumenan |
goçkumers |
goçkumenn |
oçkumers |
çkin |
|
goçkumert |
voçkumert |
||
tkvan |
moçkumert |
|
oçkumert |
||
entepek |
moçkumenan |
goçkumenan |
oçkumenan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.13. Example with preverb {go-} : pre-stem {o-}
gvoşinay (ÇM)(AŞ) ~ goşinams (AŞ-Dutxe)(Centre)(HP) ~ gvoşinaps (ÇX)
« he recalls s.th. to s.o. » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}
(ÇM-Ğvant)
subject |
dative complment |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogoşinam |
gogoşinamtu |
govoşinam |
|
2.sg. |
gomoşinam |
gomoşinamtu |
|
gvoşinam |
|
3.sg. |
gomoşinay |
gomoşinaman |
gogoşinay |
gogoşinaman |
gvoşinay |
1.pl. |
|
gogoşinamtu |
govoşinamtu |
||
2.pl. |
gomoşinamtu |
|
gvoşinamtu |
||
3.pl. |
gomoşinaman |
gogoşinaman |
gvoşinaman |
(FN)(AH)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogoşinam |
gogoşinamt |
goboşinam |
|
2.sg. |
gomoşinam |
gomoşinamt |
|
goşinam |
|
3.sg. |
gomoşinams |
gomoşinaman |
gogoşinams |
gogoşinaman |
goşinams |
1.pl. |
|
gogoşinamt |
goboşinamt |
||
2.pl. |
gomoşinamt |
|
goşinamt |
||
3.pl. |
gomoşinaman |
gogoşinaman |
goşinaman |
____________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.14. Example with preverbs {ce-}{e-} : pre-stem {o-} [A]
comç’ims (West), yomç’ims (Centre・East)
« the rain falls on s.o.» CD/AD actional verb (*) : post-stem {ø-}
(*) comç’ims is a øø/øD actional verb when it means : « rain seeps through the roof »
● We gathered these verbs together in one article because they form an exception : it is one of rare cases where the preverb {ce-} of western dialects does not correspond to the preverb {ge-} in central and eastern dialects. (Idem for the verbs of the following article.)
comç’ims (West)
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
cemomç’ims ~ cemomç’iy |
cegomç’ims ~ cegomç’iy |
comç’ims ~ comç’iy |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
cemomç’iman |
cegomç’iman |
comç’iman |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
yomç’ims (FN)(AH)(HP)
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
emomç’ims |
egomç’ims |
yomç’ims |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
emomç’iman |
egomç’iman |
yomç’iman |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.1.2.15. Example with the preverbs {ce-}{e-} : pre-stem {o-} [B]
comtvams (West), yomtvams (Centre・East)
« the snow falls on s.o. » CD/AD actional verb: post-stem {-am/-ap}
● As in the preceding article, we gethered these verbs in one article because they form an exception : it is one of rare cases where the preverb {ce-} of western dialects does not correspond to the preverb {ge-} in central and eastern dialects. Therefores, gyomtvams and yomtvams coexist in certains dialects of Fındıklı. further researches are necessary concerning their distribution.
comtvams (West)
subject |
dative complment |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
cemomtvams ~ cemomtvay |
cegomtvams ~ cegomtvay |
comtvams ~ comtvay |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
cemomtvaman |
cegomtvaman |
comtvaman |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
yomtvams (Centre・East)
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
emomtvams ~ emomtvaps |
egomtvams ~ egomtvaps |
yomtvams ~ yomtvaps |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
2.sg. |
|
|
|
3.sg. |
emomtvaman ~ emomtvapan |
egomtvaman ~ egomtvapan |
yomtvaman ~ yomtvapan |
1.pl. |
|
|
|
2.pl. |
|
|
|
3.pl. |
|
|
|
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.1.2. Prohibitive mood
Formation : prohibitive mood marker mot- ~ mo- ~ moy- + imperfective present tense
In Laz, the prohibitive mood exists only in the 2nd person. Prohibition in the 1st and 3rd persons is expressed by the prohibito-optative mood. (*)(→ 13.4.3.2., 13.4.5.1.2.)
●●● (*)(AK) According to the informations given by Timur Cumhur, inhabtant of Akçakoca-Döngelli, the prohibito-optative mood 2nd person forms are used instead of prohibitive mood in the dialects of Akçakoca.
■■■ The prohibitive mood marker mot- ~ mo- ~ moy- is not confounded in the spoken language with the interrogative adverb mot ~ mo ~ moy « why » in spite of their homophony since their intonation is different. On the contrary, the use of hyphen and interrogation mark is indispensable in the written language.
mot-doxedur. : do not sit down ! (interlocutor singular)
mot-doxedurt. : do not sit down ! (interlocutor plural)
mot doxedur ? : why do you sit down ? (interlocutor singular)
mot doxedurt ? : why do you sit down ? (interlocutor plural)
_____________________________________________________________________________
13.4.2. Imperfective past tense
13.4.2.1. Basic forms
13.4.2.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
13.4.2.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
13.4.2.1.3. Preceded by affirmation profix
13.4.2.2. Preceded by the adverb t’ora
13.4.2.3. Auditive
13.4.2.4. Votive
13.4.2.5. Converbs
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.1. Basic forms
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-}(1) (→ 11.3.1.1.)
II {m-}{g-}{ø-}(2) (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] post-stem {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-e/u + r};
{-omer/-umer}{-umer/-umar} ;
{-um/-umer/-ar} (→ 11.1.)
[6] recollection-expectation marker {-t’-} (→ 11.2.)
[7] fused ending (*) {-i}{-u}{-t}{-es/-ey/-ez} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of person, number and present tense
● Variants of anteposed person markers are described in the chapitre 11.
(1) {b-} = {ø-} ~ {b-} ~ {v-} ~ {p-} ~ {p’-}
but {b-} + {n -consonant..} = {m-...}
{b-} + {xt/xt’-...} = {pt/ft-...}
(2) {m-} = {ø-} ~ {m-} ~ {mp’-}
{g-} = {ø-} ~ {g-} ~ {k-} ~ {k’-}
____________________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
[A] « he speaks » Eø actional verbs
post-stem : {-ø} ixap’ars (PZ)
post-stem : {-am/-ap} ilak’irday (ÇM)
isinapams/isinapay (AŞ)(FN)
ip’aramitams (AH)
ğağalaps (HP-Sarp)
ğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)
« I was speaking » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM |
1.sg. |
vixap’art’i |
vilak’irdamt’i |
2.sg. |
ixap’art’i |
ilak’irdamt’i |
3.sg. |
ixap’art’u |
ilak’irdamt’u |
1.pl. |
vixap’art’it |
vilak’irdamt’it |
2.pl. |
ixap’art’it |
ilak’irdamt’it |
3.pl. |
ixap’art’es |
ilak’irdamt’ey |
subject |
AŞ west |
AŞ centre and east |
FN |
1.sg. |
visinapamt’i |
bisinapamt’i |
bisinapamt’i |
2.sg. |
isinapamt’i |
isinapamt’i |
isinapamt’i |
3.sg. |
isinapamt’u |
isinapamt’u |
isinapamt’u |
1.pl. |
visinapamt’it |
bisinapamt’it(u) |
bisinapamt’it |
2.pl. |
isinapamt’it |
isinapamt’it(u) |
isinapamt’it |
3.pl. |
isinapamt’ey |
isinapamt’ey |
isinapamt’ez |
subject |
AH |
HP-Sarp |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
bip’aramitamt’i |
bğağalap’t’i |
bğarğalap’t’i |
2.sg. |
ip’aramitamt’i |
ğağalap’t’i |
ğarğalap’t’i |
3.sg. |
ip’aramitamt’u |
ğağalap’t’u |
ğarğalap’t’u |
1.pl. |
bip’aramitamt’it |
bğağalap’t’it |
bğarğalap’t’it |
2.pl. |
ip’aramitamt’it |
ğağalap’t’it |
ğarğalap’t’it |
3.pl. |
ip’aramitamt’ez |
ğağalap’t’es |
ğarğalap’t’ez |
● In eastern dialects, the consonant of the post-stem /p/ is regularly ejectivized in /p’/ before ejective consonant /t’/.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[B] « he writes » EA actional verb : complement only in the 3rd person
: post-stem {-um/-up}
nç’arums (West)
« I was writing » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ |
1.sg. |
mç’arumt’i |
mç’arumt’i |
2.sg. |
nç’arumt’i |
nç’arumt’i |
3.sg. |
nç’arumt’u |
nç’arumt’u |
1.pl. |
mç’arumt’it |
mç’arumt’it |
2.pl. |
nç’arumt’it |
nç’arumt’it |
3.pl. |
nç’arumt’es |
nç’arumt’ey |
ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East)
subject |
FN, AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
p’ç’a(r)umt’i |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’i |
2.sg. |
ç’a(r)umt’i |
ç’a(r)up’t’i |
3.sg. |
ç’a(r)umt’u |
ç’a(r)up’t’u |
1.pl. |
p’ç’a(r)umt’it |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’it |
2.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt’it |
ç’a(r)up’t’it |
3.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt’ez |
ç’a(r)up’t’ez |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[C] imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-er}
« I was running away » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ west |
AŞ |
1.sg. |
vimt’ert’i |
vimt’ert’i |
bimt’ert’i |
2.sg. |
imt’ert’i |
imt’ert’i |
imt’ert’i |
3.sg. |
imt’ert’u |
imt’ert’u |
imt’ert’u |
1.pl. |
vimt’ert’it |
vimt’ert’it |
bimt’ert’it |
2.pl. |
imt’ert’it |
imt’ert’it |
imt’ert’it |
3.pl. |
imt’ert’es |
imt’ert’ey |
imt’ert’tey |
subject |
FN, AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
bimt’e(r)t’i |
vimt’e(r)t’i |
2.sg. |
imt’e(r)t’i |
imt’e(r)t’i |
3.sg. |
imt’e(r)t’u |
imt’e(r)t’i |
1.pl. |
bimt’e(r)t’it |
vimt’e(r)t’it |
2.pl. |
imt’e(r)t’it |
imt’e(r)t’it |
3.pl. |
imte(r)t’ez |
imt’e(r)t’ez |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
Example with preverb : pre-stem {ø-}
meçams « he gives » EDA actional verb : post-stem {-am/-ap}
(FN)(AH) « you were giving to me » etc
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekçamt’i |
mekçamt’it |
mepçamt’i |
|
2.sg. |
momçamt’i |
momçamt’it |
|
meçamt’i |
|
3.sg. |
momçamt’u |
momçamt’ez |
mekçamt’u |
mekçamt’ez |
meçamt’u |
1.pl. |
|
mekçamt’it |
mepçamt’it |
||
2.pl. |
momçamt’it |
|
meçamt’it |
||
3.pl. |
momçamt’ez |
mekçamt’ez |
maçamt’ez |
(HP)(ÇX)
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekçap’t’i |
mekçap’t’it |
mepçap’t’i |
|
2.sg. |
momçap’t’i |
momçap’t’it |
|
meçap’t’i |
|
3.sg. |
momçap’t’u |
momçap’t’ez |
mekçap’t’u |
mekçap’t’ez |
meçap’t’u |
1.pl. |
|
mekçap’t’it |
mepçap’t’it |
||
2.pl. |
momçap’t’it |
|
meçap’t’itt |
||
3.pl. |
momçap’t’ez |
mekçap’t’ez |
maçap’t’ez |
● In eastern dialects, the consonant of the post-stem /p/ is regularly ejectivized in /p’/ before ejective consonant /t’/.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.1.3. Imperfective past tense preceded by affirmation profix
{affirmation profix + imperfective past tense} = « he was in the habit of doing »
domi3’omert’u (AŞ) he was in the habit of telling me
● This use of affirmation profix does not seem to be possible with all actional verbs. Further researches are necessary concerning this matter.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.2. Imperfecive past tense preceded by the adverb t’ora
{t’ora + imperfective past tense in the affirmative} = « he nearly did »
Handğa na-va-re var-maçkinuk’o, t’ora mebulut’t’i. (FN)
« I nearly came to you, if I could not know you were not there today »
●●● In this construction with t’ora, imperfective past tense in the affirmative expresses an action that is not realized.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.3. Imperfective auditive
Formation :
Imperfective past tense + -don(u) (PZ) ~ -do (ÇM) ~ -doren (FN)(AH) ; -ren (HP) ; {-eren/ -elen} (ÇX)
nç’arumt’u-donu (PZ) « they say that he was writing »
nç’arumt’u-do (ÇM)
ø (AŞ)
ç’a(r)umt’u-doren (FN)(AH)
ç’a(r)umt’u-ren (HP)
ç’arumt’eren (ÇX)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.4. Votive mood
Some rare actional verbs have no perfective form. In this case, the votive mood is formed from imperfective past tense in all dialects.
● The adverb k’o (PZ-HP) ~ k’oyi (ÇX) « if only ! » appears optionally at the beginning of votive sentences.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.4.1. meşonums (West) « he expects the visit of s.o. » ED actional verb
(ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit)(AŞ) imperfective present tense « I expect your visit » etc
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekşonum |
mekşonumtu |
mepşonum |
|
2.sg. |
memşonum |
memşonumtu |
|
meşonum |
|
3.sg. |
memşonuy |
memşonuman |
mekşonuy |
mekşonuman |
meşonuy |
1.pl. |
|
|
mepşonumtu |
||
2.pl. |
memşonumtu |
mekşonumtu |
meşonumtu |
||
3.pl. |
memşonuman |
mekşonuman |
meşonuman |
(ÇM-Mek’alesk’irit)(AŞ) imperfective votive mood « if only he expected my visit » etc
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekşonumt’ik’o |
mepşonumt’ik’o |
2.sg. |
memşonumt’ik’o |
|
meşonumt’ik’o |
3.sg. |
memşonumt’uk’o |
mekşonumt’uk’o |
meşonumt’uk’o |
1.pl. |
|
mekşonumt’ik’ot |
mepşonumt’ik’ot |
2.pl. |
memşonumt’ik’ot |
|
meşonumt’ik’ot |
3.pl. |
memşonumt’ek’oy |
mekşonumt’ek’oy |
meşonumt’ek’oy |
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekşonumt’ik’ot |
mepşonumt’ik’o |
2.sg. |
memşonumt’ik’ot |
|
meşonumt’ik’o |
3.sg. |
meşonumt’ek’oy |
mekşonumt’ek’oy |
meşonumt’uk’o |
1.pl. |
|
mekşonumt’ik’ot |
mepşonumt’ik’ot |
2.pl. |
memşonumt’ik’ot |
|
meşonumt’ik’ot |
3.pl. |
memşonumt’ek’oy |
mekşonumt’ek’oy |
meşonumt’ek’oy |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.4.2. meşvens (Centre・East) « he expects the visit of s.o. » ED actional verb
imperfective present tense « you expect my visit » etc
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekşven |
mekşvent |
mepşven |
|
2.sg. |
memşven |
memşvent |
|
meşven |
|
3.sg. |
memşvens |
memşvenan |
mekşvens |
mekşvenan |
meşvens |
1.pl. |
|
mekşvent |
mepşvent |
||
2.pl. |
memşvent |
|
meşvent |
||
3.pl. |
memşvenan |
mekşvenan |
meşvenan |
(FN)(AH) imperfective votive mood « if only he expected your vsit » etc
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekşvent’ik’o |
mepşvent’ik’o |
2.sg. |
memşvent’ik’o |
|
meşvent’ik’o |
3.sg. |
memşvent’uk’o |
mekşvent’uk’o |
meşvent’uk’o |
1.pl. |
|
mekşvent’it’k’o |
mepşvent’it’k’o |
2.pl. |
memşvent’it’k’o |
|
meşvent’it’k’o |
3.pl. |
memşvent’esko |
mekşvent’esko |
meşvent’esko |
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekşvent’it’k’o |
mepşvent’ik’o |
2.sg. |
memşvent’it’k’o |
|
meşvent’ik’o |
3.sg. |
memşvent’esko |
mekşvent’esko |
meşvent’uk’o |
1.pl. |
|
mekşvent’it’k’o |
mepşvent’it’k’o |
2.pl. |
memşvent’it’k’o |
|
meşvent’it’k’o |
3.pl. |
memşvent’esko |
mekşvent’esko |
meşvent’esko |
● In the 3rd person plural, the phoneme /k’/ loses its ejectivity after /s/ and becomes /k/.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.4.3. x’orops (East) « he loves » ED actional verb
imperfective present tense « he loves you » etc
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
k’x’orop |
k’x’oropt |
p’x’orop |
|
2.sg. |
mx’orop |
mx’oropt |
|
x’orop |
|
3.sg. |
mx’orops |
mx’oropan |
k’x’orops |
k’x’oropan |
x’orops |
1.pl. |
|
k’x’oropt |
p’x’oropt |
||
2.pl. |
mx’oropt |
|
x’oropt |
||
3.pl. |
mx’oropan |
k’x’oropan |
x’oropan |
imperfective votive mood « if only he loved me » etc
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
k’x’orop’t’ik’on |
p’x’orop’t’ik’on |
2.sg. |
mx’orop’t’ik’on |
|
x’orop’t’ik’on |
3.sg. |
mx’orop’t’uk’on |
k’x’orop’t’uk’on |
x’orop’t’uk’on |
1.pl. |
|
k’x’orop’t’it’k’on |
p’x’orop’t’it’k’on |
2.pl. |
mx’oropt’it’k’on |
|
x’orop’t’it’k’on |
3.pl. |
mx’orop’t’eskon |
k’x’orop’t’eskon |
x’orop’t’eskon |
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
k’x’orop’t’it’k’on |
p’x’orop’t’ik’on |
2.sg. |
mx’orop’t’it’k’on |
|
x’orop’t’ik’on |
3.sg. |
mx’orop’t’eskon |
k’x’orop’t’eskon |
x’orop’t’u k’on |
1.pl. |
|
k’x’orop’t’it’k’on |
p’x’orop’t’it’k’on |
2.pl. |
mx’orop’t’it’k’on |
|
x’orop’t’it’k’on |
3.pl. |
mx’orop’t’eskon |
k’x’orop’t’eskon |
x’orop’t’eskon |
● In the 3rd person plural, the phoneme /k’/ loses its ejectivity after /s/ and becomes /k/.
K’o Yaşarik mx’orop’t’uk’onna ! Ah, if only Yaşari loved me !
● The synonym oroms (Centre) has no perfective form either. (→ Irregular verbs, 13.8.1.1.4., 13.8.1.2.2.)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.5. Converbs in the imperfective past tense
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.5.1. « when he was doing »
Formation of converb expressing simultaneity of actions in the past tense :
Imperfective past tense (basic form) + {-şa} (West)(FN)
{ şkul}(AH south-west)
{-şi} (AH centre)(East)
nç’arums (West) ~ ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East) « he writes »
« when I was wriying » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ |
FN |
1.sg. |
mç’arumt’işa |
mç’arumt’işa |
p’ç’a(r)umt’işa |
2.sg. |
nç’arumt’işa |
nç’arumt’işa |
ç’a(r)umt’işa |
3.sg. |
nç’arumt’uşa |
nç’arumt’uşa |
ç’a(r)umt’uşa |
1.pl. |
mç’arumt’itşa |
mç’arumt’itşa |
p’ç’a(r)umt’itşa |
2.pl. |
nç’arumt’itşa |
nç’arumt’itşa |
ç’a(r)umt’itşa |
3.pl. |
nç’arumt’eşşa |
nç’arumt’eyşa |
ç’a(r)umt’eşşa |
subject |
AH-Pilarget |
AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
p’ç’a(r)umt’i şkul |
p’ç’aumt’işi |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’işi |
2.sg. |
ç’a(r)umt’i şkul |
ç’aumt’işi |
ç’a(r)up’t’işi |
3.sg. |
ç’a(r)umt’u şkul |
ç’aumt’uşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’uşi |
1.pl. |
p’ç’a(r)umt’it şkul |
p’ç’aumt’itşi |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’itşi |
2.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt’it şkul |
ç’aumt’itşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’itşi |
3.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt’e şkul |
ç’aumt’eşşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’e(ş)şi |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.2.5.2. (AH)(East) « until he did »
Formation of converb expressing « until + past tense » (1) :
Imperfective past tense + {-şa}(2) (AH)(East)
●●● (1) (West)(FN) In western dialects and in those of Fındıklı, the formation is
“simple perfective + {-şa}” for the synonymous converbs. (→ 13.4.4.7.)
●●● (2) (West)(FN) The same formation gives converbs meaning
« when he was doing » in western dialects and in those of Fındıklı.
« until he wrote » etc
subject |
AH-Orç’a/Orç’i (*) |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
p’ç’aumt’işa |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’işa |
2.sg. |
ç’aumt’işa |
ç’a(r)up’t’işa |
3.sg. |
ç’aumt’uşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’uşa |
1.pl. |
p’ç’aumt’itşa |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’itşa |
2.pl. |
ç’aumt’itşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’itşa |
3.pl. |
ç’aumt’eşşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’e(ş)şa |
(*) (AH) Variants of formation are observed in Arhavi. More detailed researches are necessary concerning it.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3. Imperfective optative mood
13.4.3.1. Basic forms
13.4.3.1.1. Monopersonal cnjugation
13.4.3.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
13.4.3.2. Prohibito-optative mood (ÇM)(AŞ)(Centre・East)
13.4.3.3. Converbs
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.1. Imperfective optative mood (basic forms)
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.1.)
II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] post-stem {-ø}; {-vowel + m/p}; {-e/u + r};
{-omer/-umer} {-umer/-umar} ;
{-um/-umer/-ar} (→ 11.1.)
[6] recollection-expectation marker {-t’-} (→ 11.1., 11.2.)
[7] optative mood marker {-a-} (→ 11.5.)
[8] fused ending (*) {-ø},{-s/z};{-t},{-an} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of person, number and present tense
● Optative mood marker {-a-} and the marker of 3rd person plural present tense {-an} are fused in /-an/.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.1.1. Monpersonal conjugation
Imperfective optative mood of actional verbs having perfective forms are not observed without affix in natural conversations. We show in the table below in grey letters theorical basic forms of imperfective optative mood which are deduced from complex forms such as prohibito-optative mood or optative converbs.
ip’aramitams (AH), ğağalaps (HP-Sarp), ğarğalaps (HP)
« he speaks » Eø actional verb
ergative subject |
locality |
||
AH |
HP-Sarp |
HP, ÇX |
|
1.sg. |
bip’aramitamt’a |
bğağalap’t’a |
bğarğalap’t’a |
2.sg. |
ip’aramitamt’a |
ğağalap’t’a |
ğarğalap’t’a |
3.sg. |
ip’aramitamt’az |
ğağalap’t’as |
ğarğalap’t’az |
1.pl. |
bip’aramitamt’at |
bğağalap’t’at |
bğarğalap’t’at |
2.pl. |
ip’aramitamt’at |
ğağalap’t’at |
ğarğalap’t’at |
3.pl. |
ip’aramitamt’an |
ğağalap’t’an |
ğarğalap’t’an |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
çams « he makes s.o. eat s.th. » EDA actional verb
« he [ergative] s.th. [absolutive] s.o. [dative] makes eat »
(FN)(AH)
ergative subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
kçamt’a |
kçamt’at |
pçamt’a |
|
2.sg. |
mçamt’a |
mçamt’at |
|
çamt’a |
|
3.sg. |
mçamt’az |
mçamt’an |
kçamt’az |
kçamt’an |
çamt’az |
1.pl. |
|
kçamt’at |
pçamt’at |
||
2.pl. |
mçamt’at |
|
çamt’at |
||
3.pl. |
mçamt’an |
kçamt’an |
çamt’an |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.2. Imperfective prohibito-optative mood (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)
« I wish he does not do » etc
Formation : Imperfective optative mood + mot- ~ mo- ~ moy- (1)(2)
Mo(y)-ulurt’ay. (ÇM)(AŞ) I wish he does not go !
~ Mo(t)-ulut’az. (Centre・East)
(1) (AŞ) Also mondo- in Ardeşen.
(2) Prohibito-optative mood is perfective in Pazar and Akçakoca. (→ 13.4.5.3.)
_____________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.2.1. Monopersonal conjugation
ip’aramitams (AH), ğağalaps (HP-Sarp), ğarğalaps (HP)
« he speaks » Eø actional verb
« I wish he does not speak ! » etc
subject |
AH |
HP-Sarp |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
mot-bip’aramitamt’a |
mo-bğağalap’t’a |
mo-bğarğalap’t’a |
2.sg. |
mot-ip’aramitamt’a |
mo-ğağalap’t’a |
mo-ğarğalap’t’a |
3.sg. |
mot-ip’aramitamt’az |
mo-ğağalap’t’as |
mo-ğarğalap’t’az |
1.pl. |
mot-bip’aramitamt’at |
mo-bğağalap’t’at |
mo-bğarğalap’t’at |
2.pl. |
mot-ip’aramitamt’at |
mo-ğağalap’t’at |
mo-ğarğalap’t’at |
3.pl. |
mot-ip’aramitamt’an |
mo-ğağalap’t’an |
mo-ğarğalap’t’an |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.2.2. Bipersonal conjugation
çams « he makes s.o. eat s.th. » EDA actional verb
(FN)(AH) « I wish he does not make me eat ! » etc
subj. |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg |
|
mot-kçamt’a |
mot-kçamt’at |
mot-pçamt’a |
|
2.sg |
mot-mçamt’a |
mot-mçamt’at |
|
mot-çamt’a |
|
3.sg |
mot-mçamt’az |
mot-mçamt’an |
mot-kçamt’az |
mot-kçamt’an |
mot-çamt’az |
1.pl |
|
mot-kçamt’at |
mot-pçamt’at |
||
2.pl |
mot-mçamt’at |
|
mot-çamt’at |
||
3.pl |
mot-mçamt’an |
mot-kçamt’an |
mot-çamt’an |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.3. Converbs
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.3.1. « when he does ; when he will do » (unique action)
Formation of converb expressing simultaneity of actions in the present or future tenses (*) :
Imperfective optative mood + {-şa} (West)(FN)
{ şkul}(AH south-west)
{-şi} (AH centre)(East)
● (*) Formation of these converbs let think that, logically, they should be always followed by the main clause in the present or future tenses. The reality is that they are also used with the main proposition in the past tense by a certain number of Laz. Further researches are necessary about this apparent contradiction.
●●● In the 3rd person singular, the phonemes /s/ and /z/ disappear very often before /ş/. They are sometimes realized as /ş/ by regressive assimilation.
nç’arums (West) ~ ç’a(r)ums (Centre) ~ ç’a(r)ups (East) « he writes »
« when he writes ; when he wil write »
subject |
PZ, ÇM, AŞ |
FN |
1.sg. |
mç’arumt’aşa |
p’ç’a(r)umt’aşa |
2.sg. |
nç’arumt’aşa |
ç’a(r)umt’aşa |
3.sg. |
nç’arumt’aşa |
ç’a(r)umt’aşa |
1.pl. |
mç’arumt’atşa |
p’ç’a(r)umt’atşa |
2.pl. |
nç’arumt’atşa |
ç’a(r)umt’atşa |
3.pl. |
nç’arumt’anşa |
ç’a(r)umt’anşa |
subject |
AH-Pilarget |
AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
p’ç’a(r)umt’a şkul |
p’ç’aumt’aşi |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’aşi |
2.sg. |
ç’a(r)umt’a şkul |
ç’aumt’aşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’aşi |
3.sg. |
ç’a(r)umt’a şkul |
ç’aumt’aşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’aşi |
1.pl. |
p’ç’a(r)umt’at şkul |
p’ç’aumt’atşi |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’atşi |
2.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt’at şkul |
ç’aumt’atşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’atşi |
3.pl. |
ç’a(r)umt’an şkul |
ç’aumt’anşi |
ç’a(r)up’t’anşi |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.3.2. (AH)(HP)(ÇX) « until he does »
Formation of converb expressing « until (in the future) » (1) :
Imperfective optative mood + {-şa}(2) (AH)(East)
●●● (1) (West)(FN) In western dialects and in those of Fındıklı, the formationis
“perfective optative mood + {-şa}” for the synonymous converbs. (→ 13.4.5.5.)
●●● (2) (West)(FN) The same formation gives converbs meaning
« when he will do » in the dialects of Pazar-Çamlıhemşin-Ardeşen-Fındıklı.
« until he writes »
subject |
AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
p’ç’aumt’aşa |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’aşa |
2.sg. |
ç’aumt’aşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’aşa |
3.sg. |
ç’aumt’aşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’aşa |
1.pl. |
p’ç’aumt’atşa |
p’ç’a(r)up’t’atşa |
2.pl. |
ç’aumt’atşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’atşa |
3.pl. |
ç’aumt’anşa |
ç’a(r)up’t’anşa |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.3.3.3. (FN) « when he does » (customarily repeated action)
Formation of converb expressing simultaneity of customarily repeated actions :
Imperfective optative mood + {-(y)iz}
(Converbs of this formation are observed only in Fındıklı.)
Komşiluğişa bulut’ayiz bazi,
Gzalepez memager. Mot-ikom nazi.(1)
« When I go to see my neighbours sometimes,
You cross me on the way. Do not make a pretence of not seeing me. »
komşiluğişa : komşiluği (neighbourhood) in the directive < Turkish komşuluk
bulut’ayiz : ulun (go) : imperfective optative 1st pers.sg. bulu(r)t’a + -(y)iz
: « when I go as usual »
bazi : sometimes < Turkish bazı
gzalepez : gza (way, street, road) pl. locative « on the ways ; in the roads »
memager : nagen (cross by chance) imperfective present with subject in the 2nd pers.sg.
and complement in the 1st pers.sg.
mot-ikom : ikoms (do) prohibitive sg. « do not do »
nazi : « pretence of noticing nothing » < Turkish naz < Persian
(1) The first verses of the 6th quatrain of destani in 18 quatrains “Ar çiçeğiz ar but’k’uci noxedun” (A bee settles on a flower) : poem and music of Mustafa Türkselçi, Fındıklı-Xazara.
destani : Poem of hopeless love. Verses contain eleven syllables each. First three verses
of each quatrain have in common the same vowel in the penultimate syllable and
the last syllable identical.
ar : « one, a certain »
çiçeğiz (*) : çiçeği (flower) in the locative < Turkish çiçek
but’k’uci : « bee »
noxedun : (insect or bird) settle or perch : indicative imperfective present 3rd pers.sg.
(*) This loan word of three syllables was prefered here to the word gyuliz (on the flower) which has only two syllables.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4. Perfective forms
13.4.4.1. Simple perfective (basic forms)
13.4.4.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
13.4.4.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
13.4.4.2. Preceded by the adverb t’ora
13.4.4.3. Imperative
13.4.4.4. Auditive
13.4.4.5. Pluperfect
13.4.4.6. Votive mood
13.4.4.7. Converbs and Adverbial clauses
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1. Simple perfective (basic forms)
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker (1) I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.1.)
II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] fused ending (*) {-i}{-u}{-t}{-es/-ey/-ez} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of person, number and past tense
● (1) Variants of anteposed person marker :
{b-} = {ø-} ~ {b-} ~ {v-} ~ {p-} ~ {p’-}
but {b-} + {n -consonant...} = {m-...}
{b-} + {xt/xt’-...} = {pt/ft-...}
{m-} = {ø-} ~ {m-} ~ {mp’-}
{g-} = {ø-} ~ {g-} ~ {k-} ~ {k’-}
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.1.1. « he speaks » Eø actional verbs
post-stem {-ø} : ixap’ars (*) (PZ)
post-stem{-am/-ap}: ilak’irdams (ÇM)
isinapams (AŞ)(FN)
ip’aramitams (AH)
ğağalaps (HP-Sarp)
ğarğalaps (HP)(ÇX)
(*) « he cries getting angry » in ÇM-AŞ.
« I spoke » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM |
1.sg. |
vixap’ari |
vilak’irdi |
2.sg. |
ixap’ari |
ilak’irdi |
3.sg. |
ixap’aru |
ilak’irdu |
1.pl. |
vixap’arit |
vilak’irdit |
2.pl. |
ixap’arit |
ilak’irdit |
3.pl. |
ixap’ares |
ilak’irdey |
● (ÇM) ilak’irdey : in the interrogative, ilak’irdes-i ?
subject |
AŞ west |
AŞ centre and east |
FN |
1.sg. |
visinapi |
bisinapi |
bisinapi |
2.sg. |
isinapi |
isinapi |
isinapi |
3.sg. |
isinapu |
isinapu |
isinapu |
1.pl. |
visinapit |
bisinapit |
bisinapit |
2.pl. |
isinapit |
isinapit |
isinapit |
3.pl. |
isinapey |
isinapey |
isinapez |
● (AŞ) isinapey, (FN) isinapez : in the interrogative, isinapes-i ?
subject |
AH |
HP-Sarp |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
bip’aramiti |
bğağali |
bğarğali |
2.sg. |
ip’aramiti |
ğağali |
ğarğali |
3.sg. |
ip’aramitu |
ğağalu |
ğarğalu |
1.pl. |
bip’aramitit |
bğağalit |
bğarğalit |
2.pl. |
ip’aramitit |
ğağalit |
ğarğalit |
3.pl. |
ip’aramitez |
ğağales |
ğarğalez |
● Cf. ğarğalams (West, a part) (a baby) emits incomprehensible sounds
(Centre) he cries getting angry
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.1.2. imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-er}
“I ran” vs
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ west |
AŞ |
FN, AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
vimt’i |
vimt’i |
bimt’i |
bimt’i |
vimt’i |
2.sg. |
imt’i |
imt’i |
imt’i |
imt’i |
imt’i |
3.sg. |
imt’u |
imt’u |
imt’u |
imt’u |
imt’u |
1.pl. |
vimt’it |
vimt’it |
bimt’it |
bimt’it |
vimt’it |
2.pl. |
imt’it |
imt’it |
imt’it |
imt’it |
imt’it |
3.pl. |
imt’es |
imt’ey |
imt’ey |
imt’ez |
imt’ez |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.2.1. yomtvams (Centre・East) CD/AD actional verb
1. CD Actional verb « it snows on s.o. »
2. AD Actional verb « (solid matter) falls on s.o. like snow »
● In this article, subject (which can be non-apparent) and dative complement are disposed in an unusual way in the tables.
dative complement |
forms with subject in the 3rd person singular (*) |
|
imperfective present tense |
simple perfective |
|
1.sg. |
emomtvams |
emomtu |
2.sg. |
egomtvams |
egomtu |
3.sg. |
yomtvams |
yomtu |
1.pl. |
emomtvaman |
emomtvez |
2.pl. |
egomtvaman |
egomtvez |
3.pl. |
yomtvaman |
yomtvez |
(*) The verb remains in the singular even if the subject is in the plural.
Mtviri tiz emomtvams. (AH)(HP) The snow is falling on my head.
Tiz kva emomtu. (AH)(HP) (***) It rained stones on my head.
tiz : ti (head) in the dative case : « on the head »
●●● (***) As a rule, one Laz verb cannot govern more than one element in the dative case. In this example, the complement (= 1st person singular) is in the dative case with which the verb agrees in person. The “head” is in the locative case with which the verb does not agree in any way.
● Synonym : umtvams (→ 13.4.4.1.2.6.)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.2.2. goiç’k’ondinams (FN) actional verb EA
« he forgets s.th. that he does not want to remember »
(FN)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogiç’k’ondini |
gobiç’k’ondini |
2.sg. |
gomiç’k’ondini |
|
goiç’k’ondini |
3.sg. |
gomiç’k’ondinu |
gogiç’k’ondinu |
goiç’k’ondinu |
1.pl. |
|
gogiç’k’ondinit |
gobiç’k’ondinit |
2.pl. |
gomiç’k’ondinit |
|
goiç’k’ondinit |
3.pl. |
gomiç’k’ondinez |
gogiç’k’ondinez |
goiç’k’ondinez |
subject |
absolutive complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogiç’k’ondinit |
gobiç’k’ondini |
2.sg. |
gomiç’k’ondinit |
|
goiç’k’ondini |
3.sg. |
gomiç’k’ondinez |
gogiç’k’ondinez |
goiç’k’ondinu |
1.pl. |
|
gogiç’k’ondinit |
gobiç’k’ondinit |
2.pl. |
gomiç’k’ondinit |
|
goiç’k’ondinit |
3.pl. |
gomiç’k’ondinez |
gogiç’k’ondinez |
goiç’k’ondinez |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.2.3. goiç’k’endinams (AH) actional verb EA
« he forgets s.th. that he does not want to remember »
[The conjugation of this verb is identical with that of the preceding synonym]
(AH)
subject |
absolutive complement |
||
1.sg. |
2.sg. |
3.sg. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogiç’k’endini |
gobiç’k’endini |
2.sg. |
gomiç’k’endini |
|
goiç’k’endini |
3.sg. |
gomiç’k’endinu |
gogiç’k’endinu |
goiç’k’endinu |
1.pl. |
|
gogiç’k’endinit |
gobiç’k’endinit |
2.pl. |
gomiç’k’endinit |
|
goiç’k’endinit |
3.pl. |
gomiç’k’endinez |
gogiç’k’endinez |
goiç’k’endinez |
subject |
absolutive complement |
||
1.pl. |
2.pl. |
3.pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
gogiç’k’endinit |
gobiç’k’endini |
2.sg. |
gomiç’k’endinit |
|
goiç’k’endini |
3.sg. |
gomiç’k’endinez |
gogiç’k’endinez |
goiç’k’endinu |
1.pl. |
|
gogiç’k’endinit |
gobiç’k’endinit |
2.pl. |
gomiç’k’endinit |
|
goiç’k’endinit |
3.pl. |
gomiç’k’endinez |
gogiç’k’endinez |
goiç’k’endinez |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.2.4. « he sents s.o. » : post-stem{-um},{-umer/-umar}
oşk’ums (West), oşkumers (Centre), oçkumers (HP), oçkumars (ÇX)
(PZ)
ergative subject
|
absolutive complement |
||||
ma |
şk’u |
si |
t’k’va |
him ; hini |
|
ma |
|
goşk’vi |
goşk’vit |
voşk’vi |
|
si |
moşk’vi |
moşk’vit |
|
oşk’vi |
|
himuk |
moşk’u |
moşk’ves |
goşk’u |
goşk’ves |
oşk’u |
şk’u |
|
goşk’vit |
voşk’vit |
||
t’k’va |
moşk’vit |
|
oşk’vit |
||
hinik |
moşk’ves |
goşk’ves |
oşk’ves |
(FN)(AH)
ergative subject |
absolutive complement |
||||
ma |
çku |
si |
tkva |
heya ; hentere/hemtepe |
|
ma |
|
goşkvi |
goşkvit |
boşkvi |
|
si |
moşkvi |
moşkvit |
|
oşkvi |
|
heyak/ hemuk |
moşku |
moşkvez |
goşku |
goşkvez |
oşku |
çku |
|
goşkvit |
boşkvit |
||
tkva |
moşkvit |
|
oşkvit |
||
henterek/hemtepek |
moşkvez |
goşkvez |
oşkvez |
(HP)
erg. subj.
|
absolutive complement |
||||
ma |
çkin |
si |
tkvan |
eya/iya ; entepe |
|
ma |
|
goçkvi |
goçkvit |
voçkvi |
|
si |
moçkvi |
moçkvit |
|
oçkvi |
|
emuk |
moçku |
moçkvez |
goçku |
goçkvez |
oçku |
çkin |
|
goçkvit |
voçkvit |
||
tkvan |
moçkvit |
|
oçkvit |
||
entepek |
moçkvez |
goçkvez |
oçkvez |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.1.2.5. umtvams (FN)(HP) CD/AD actional verb
1. CD actional verb « the snow falls on s.o. »
2. AD actional verb « it rains (solid matter) on s.o. »
dative complement |
forms with subject in the 3rd person singular (*) |
|
imperfective present tense |
simple perfective |
|
1.sg. |
mimtvams |
mimtu |
2.sg. |
gimtvams |
gimtu |
3.sg. |
umtvams |
umtu |
1.pl. |
mimtvaman |
mimtvez |
2.pl. |
gimtvaman |
gimtvez |
3.pl. |
umtvaman |
umtvez |
(*) The verb remains in the singular even if the subject is the plural.
Tiz kva mimtu. (FN)(HP) (***) It rained stones on my head.
●●● (***) As a rule, one Laz verb cannot govern more than one element in the dative case. In this example, the dative complement (= 1st person singular) is in the dative case with which the verb agrees in person. The “head” is in the locative case with which the verb does not agree in any way.
● Synonym : yomtvams (→ 13.4.4.1.2.2.)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.2. Perfective simple preceeded by the adverb t’ora
{t’ora} + simple perfective in the affirmative = « he nearly did an action »
T’ora nca yat’u do nizu. (FN) The tree nearly fell and crush him. (*)
(*) Word-to-word : « The tree nearly fell on him and he nearly was crushed. »
●●● In this construction with the adverb t’ora, the perfective past tense in the affirmative expresses an action that did not happen.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.3. Imperative mood
In Laz, the imperative mood is homophonous with the simple perfective. (*) It is conjugated only in the 2nd person.
(*) Verbs having no perfective aspect like meşonums (West) ~ meşvens (Centre・East) « he hopes that s.o. comes to see him » or oroms (centre) ~ x’orops (east) « he loves » have no imperative mood.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[A] Monopersonal conjugation
Representative form imperative 2nd pers. sg. imperatif 2nd pers. pl.
doxedun (he sits down) doxedi sit down ! doxedit sit down !
imt’en (he runs away) imt’i run away ! imt’it run away !
ulun (he goes) idi go ! idit go !
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[B] Bibersonal conjugation
meçams «he gives » EDA actional verb
« give me ! » etc
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
|
|
|
|
2.sg. |
momçi |
momçit |
|
meçi |
|
3.sg. |
|
|
|
|
|
1.pl. |
|
|
|
||
2.pl. |
momçit |
|
meçit |
||
3.pl. |
|
|
|
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.4. Auditive perfective
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.4.1. An example of verb monopersonally conjugated in the auditive perfective:
ulun « he goes »
idu-donu (PZ) it is said that he went
idu-do (ÇM)
ø (?) (AŞ)
idu-doren (FN)(AH)
ideren (HP)(ÇX)
■ In eastern dialects (= Hopa and Çxala), the verb ulun is conjugated as follows in the perfective auditive. The first vowel /e/ of the auditive marker is accented.
subject |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg |
videre |
2.sg |
idere |
3.sg |
ideren |
1.pl |
videret |
2.pl |
ideret |
3.pl |
iderenan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.4.2. Use of the morpheme -doren in central dialects
◘◘◘ In central dialects, the morpheme -doren is sometimes used as equivalent of Turkish suffix {-miş/-mış/-muş/-müş} by some Laz-Turkish bilinguals. It makes often pleonasm. ◘◘◘
1. Quotation of determined person.
Kyazimik mi3’u. Hamserei mç’imaz noğai gzalepe mtel ment’ro3u-doren. (1)
« Kâzım told me. Because of the rain of yesterday night, landslip happened in all shopping streets, he said. »
cf. Kyazimik “Hamserei mç’imaz noğai gzalepe mtel ment’ro3u” ya mi3’u.
Kâzım said, “Because of the rain of yesterday night, landslip happened in all
shopping streets.”
2. Explicitation that one did not witness the action.
Ham gyayiz a muntxa var-unt’alit-doren. Nostonik heşo zop’ons. (FN-Ç’enneti)
« It seems that you did not put something in this meal. The taste tells it. »
Ar o3’k’edi. Mtugik t’uvra gamaxu-doren. (1) Look. It seems that rats made a hole in the sack.
Gepti do bo3’k’ediyiz karmat’e ok’ixu-doren. (1)
« When I went down and looked, it seemed that the mill was broken. »
cf. Gepti do bo3’k’ediyiz karmat’e ok’oxveri t’u.
When I went down and looked, the mill was broken.
Oncğore ezdez-doren. (1) It seems that they were lost to all shame .
P’et’mezi kyupişen kodibu-doren. (1) It seems that fruit paste leaked from the jar.
Ma bcant’işa dido mç’ima mç’imu-doren. (1) It seems that it rained while I was in bed.
Hemuz p’at’i oxorca naç’aru-doren. (2)
« It seems that he was destined to be married to an ill-natured woman. »
(1) Examples given by Nurdoğan Demir Abaşişi, inhabitant of Fındıklı-Sumla.
(2) Example given by Osman Büyüklü, inhabitant of Arhavi-centre.
_____________________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.5. Pluperfect
Example of the verb ulun « he goes »
idu-dot’u (PZ) he had gone
idu-dort’u (ÇM) (AŞ)
idu-dort’un ~ idu-dot’t’un (FN)
idu-dort’un (AH)
ideret’u (HP) (ÇX)
(West)(Centre) The pluperfect marker is invariable in western and central dialects.
■ (East) The verb ulun is conjuguated in the pluperfect as follows in eastern dialects. The first vowel /e/ of the marker is long and accented.
« I had gone » etc
subject |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
videret’i |
2.sg. |
ideret’i |
3.sg. |
ideret’u |
1.pl. |
videret’it |
2.pl. |
ideret’it |
3.pl. |
ideret’ez ~ ideret’es |
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
●●● Certain Laz assert in their writings that the pluperfect of eastern dialects is formed from the participle (→ 14.). This analysis is erroneous. The pluperfect of these dialects is formed from the perfective stem. See the comparative table below.
(HP)
representative form |
simple perfective 3.sg. |
pluperfect 3.sg. |
participle |
imxors (he eats) |
ç’k’omu |
ç’k’omeret’u |
ç’k’omeri |
doxedun (he sits down) |
doxedu |
doxederet’u |
doxuneri |
ulun (he goes) |
idu |
ideret’u |
xtimeri |
_____________________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.6. Votive mood
« ah ! if only he had done ! »
Formation :
[A] (West)(FN) simple perfective + {-k’o}~{-k’on}
● In western dialects, the marker of 1st and 2nd persons plural {-t} is postposed to the votive mood marker. The latter fuses with the multifunctional marker of 3rd person, plural and past tense {-es/ey} giving the forms {-ek’es}(PZ), {-ek’oy}(ÇM)(AŞ) and {-ek’os}(AŞ-Dutxe).
[B] (AH) The votive mood shows important differences among localities and even among
individuals in the dialects of Arhavi. Further researches are necessary on this
subject.
[C] (East) The votive mood is formed from perfective optative mood. (→ 13.4.5.)
● (HP) In the dialects of Hopa, the votive marker is {-k’on/-k’onna}.
● (ÇX) In the dialects of Çxala, the votive marker is {-k’o}.
■ (West)(FN) All forms in the table below are accented on the initial syllable.
perfective votive mood of the verb ulun « ah ! if only I had gone ! » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM |
AŞ-Ortaalan |
FN-Ç’anapet |
FN-Sumla |
1.sg. |
vidik’o |
vidik’o |
bidik’o |
bidik’o |
bidik’on |
2.sg. |
idik’o |
idik’o |
idik’o |
idik’o |
idik’on |
3.sg. |
iduk’o |
iduk’o |
iduk’o |
iduk’o |
iduk’on |
1.pl. |
vidik’ot |
vidik’ot |
bidik’ot |
bidit’k’o |
bidit’k’on |
2.pl. |
idik’ot |
idik’ot |
idik’ot |
idit’k’o |
idit’k’on |
3.pl. |
idek’es |
idek’oy |
idek’oy |
idesko |
ideskon |
■ (AH)(East) The syllable containing the optative marker {-a-} is accented and long.
subject |
AH (1) |
HP (1) |
ÇX |
1.sg. |
bidat’ik’o |
vidat’ik’on ~ vidat’ik’onna |
vidat’ik’o |
2.sg. |
idat’ik’o |
idat’ik’on ~ idat’ik’onna |
idat’ik’o |
3.sg. |
idat’uk’o |
idat’uk’on ~ idat’uk’onna |
idat’uk’o |
1.pl. |
bidat’it’k’o |
vidat’it’k’on ~ vidat’it’k’onna |
vidat’it’k’o |
2.pl. |
idat’it’k’o |
idat’it’k’on ~ idat’it’k’onna |
idat’it’k’o |
3.pl. |
idatesk’o |
idat’eskon ~ idat’eskonna |
idat’esko |
● (Centre・East) The plural marker of 1st and 2nd persons {-t} is ejectivized in /t’/ before ejective consonant /k’/.
● (Centre・East) The consonant /k’/ preceded by /s/ loses its ejectivity and becomes /k/.
● (1) According to Ramiz Bekaroğlu, vidik’on(na) (if only I had gone) and vidat’ik’on(na) (if only I were going) are distinguished in Hopa-P’eronit. Same distinction is observed also in the dialects of Arhavi. Further researches are necessary on this subject.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
● At the beginning of votive sentence, the adverb k’o (PZ-HP) or k’oyi (ÇX) « ah ! if only » appears facultatively.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
●●● (FN) In the dialects of Fındıklı, the sentence-initial adverb egizila precedes two votive sentences joined by the conjunction do and expresses that one regrets not having done the best choice.
Egizila komepçik’o do henterez uğut’uk’o.
« Ah, if only I had given it to them, they should have kept it ! »
Egizila hek bort’ik’o do si a kogz*irik’o.
« Ah, if only I stayed there, I should see you ! »
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7. Converbs and adverbial clauses in the simple perfective
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.1. (PZ) {p’i} + simple perfective in the affirmative + {-şe}
p’i moft’işe (PZ) shortly before I came
p’i moxt’uşe (PZ) shortly before he came
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7..2. (ÇM)(AŞ) {p’ri} + simple perfective in the affirmative
p’ri moft’i (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before I came
p’ri moxt’u (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before he came
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.3. simple perfective form + {-şa}
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.3.1. (West)(FN) simple perfective in the affirmative + {-şa}
him iduşa (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) until he came
~ heya iduşa (FN)
● (AH)(East) In Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala, converbs in the imperfective past tense have
this meaning.
ulu(r)t’uşa (AH)(HP)(ÇX) until he came
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.3.2.. simple perfective in the negative + {-şa}
hini var-ideşşa (PZ) as long as they did not go
~ hini var-ideyşa (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ hentere var-ideşşa (FN)
~ hemtepe var-ide(ş)şa (AH)
~ entepe var-ideşşa (HP)(ÇX)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.4. simple perfective in the affirmative + {-sis/-is}, {-si/-i}, {-(y)iz}, {-şi}
« when I went » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ |
FN |
AH, HP, ÇX |
1. sg. |
vidisis |
vidisi ~ bidisi |
bidi(y)iz |
bidişi ~ vidişi |
2. sg. |
idisis |
idisi |
idi(y)iz |
idişi |
3. sg. |
idusis |
idusi |
idu(y)iz |
iduşi |
1. pl. |
viditis |
viditi ~ biditi |
biditiz |
biditşi ~ viditşi |
2. pl. |
iditis |
iditi |
iditiz |
iditşi |
3. pl. |
idesis |
idesi |
idesiz |
ide(ş)şi |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.5.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
13.4.4.7.5.1. (PZ-HP)
simple perfective in the aiffirmative + {şk’ule/ şuk’ule/ şik’ule/ şkul/ şkule}
him mendaxt’u şk’ule (PZ) after he went
~ him mendaxt’u şuk’ule (ÇM)
~ him mendaxt’u şik’ule (AŞ-Jilen Mzğem)
~ heya mendaxtu şkule (FN)(AH)
~ heya mendaxtu şkul (AH-Jin Napşit)
~ eya mendaxtu şkule (HP)
● The action that is expressed in the adverbial clause can be the cause or the reason of the action which is expressed in the main clause.
Doçvapi şkule komeçi do igzalaz. (FN)
« Since you made him wait, give him something and he shall go. »
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
13.4.4.7.5.2. (ÇX) simple perfective in the affirmative + {-şi/-yi} + k’ule
iya mindaxtuşi k’ule (ÇX) after he went
~ iya mindaxtuyi k’ule
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.4.7.6. (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN) simple perfective in the affirmative +{var}/{do var}
moxt’u var, (ÇM) as soon as he came
moxt’u do var, (AŞ)
moxtu var, (FN)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5. Perfective optative mood
13.4.5.1. Basic forms
13.4.5.2. Preceded by the negation markers vati (PZ), vato (ÇM), vat’o (AŞ)
13.4.5.3. Perfective prohibito-optative mood (PZ)(AK)
13.4.5.4. (AH)(East) Votive mood
13.4.5.5. Converbs and adverbial clauses
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.1. Basic forms
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] Preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker I {b-}{ø-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.1.)
II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {ø-}{i-}{i-/u-}{a-}{o-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] optative mood marker {-a-} (→ 11.5.)
[6] fused ending (*) {-ø},{-s/z};{-t},{-an} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of person, number and the present tense
● optative marker {-a-} + fused ending {-an} = /-an/
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.1.1. Monopersonal conjugation
imt’en « he runs away » Aø actional verb : post-stem {-er}
« I wish I run away ! » etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ west |
AŞ |
FN, AH |
HP, ÇX |
1.sg. |
vimt’a |
vimt’a |
bimt’a |
bimt’a |
vimt’a |
2.sg. |
imt’a |
imt’a |
imt’a |
imt’a |
imt’a |
3.sg. |
imt’as |
imt’ay |
imt’ay |
imt’az |
imt’az |
1.pl. |
vimt’at |
vimt’at |
bimt’at |
bimt’at |
vimt’at |
2.pl. |
imt’at |
imt’at |
imt’at |
imt’at |
imt’at |
3.pl. |
imt’an |
imt’an |
imt’an |
imt’an |
imt’an |
● The perfective optative mood in the 2nd person is rarely used without affix : the imperative mood has almost same meaning.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.1.2. Bipersonal conjugation
meçams « he gives » EDA actional verb
« I wish I give ! » etc
subject |
dative complement |
||||
1.sg. |
1.pl. |
2.sg. |
2.pl. |
3.sg.・pl. |
|
1.sg. |
|
mekça |
makçat |
mepça |
|
2.sg. |
momça |
momçat |
|
meça |
|
3.sg. |
momças ~ momçaz |
momçan |
mekças ~ mekçaz |
makçan |
meças ~ meçaz |
1.pl. |
|
mekçat |
mepçat |
||
2.pl. |
momçat |
|
meçat |
||
3.pl. |
momçan |
mekçan |
meçan |
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.2. Preceded by the negation markers vati (PZ), vato (ÇM), vat’o (AŞ)
Andğa vati vida. (PZ) I shall probably not go today.
Andğa vato vida. (ÇM)
Hamdğa vat’o bida. (AŞ-Ok’ordule)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.3. Perfective prohibito-optative mood (PZ)(AK)
Formation : mot- + perfective optative mood (*)
Andğa mot- idas. (PZ) I wish he will not go today !
Andğa var-idas. (AK)
● (*) For the prohibito-optative mood of all other dialects (mot-ulurt’ay, mot-ulut’az etc), see (→ 13.4.3.2.).
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.4. (AH)(East) Votive mood
In the dialects of Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala, the votive mood of actional verbs is formed from perfective optative mood. (*) For the conjugation table, see (→ 13.4.4.6.).
(*) Votive mood, that is formed from simple perfective, is also observed. Further researches are necessary on this subject.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5. Converbs and adverbial clauses
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.1. (PZ) p’i + perfective optative mood + {-şe}
p’i moft’aşe (PZ) shortly before I come
p’i moxt’aşe (PZ) shortly before he comes
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.2. (ÇM)(AŞ) p’ri + perfective optative mood
p’ri moft’a (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before I come
p’ri moxt’ay (ÇM)(AŞ) shortly before he comes
● For adverbial clauses having the same meaning, see (→ 13.4.6.3.).
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.3. perfective optative mood + {-şa}
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.3.1. (West)(FN) perfective optative mood in the affirmative + {-şa}
him idaşa (PZ) until he goes
~ him ida(ş)şa (ÇM)(AŞ)
~ heya idaşa (FN)
● (AH)(East) In Arhavi, Hopa and Çxala, synonymous converbs are of another formation : imperfective optative mood in the affirmative + {-şa}. For example, ulurt’aşa.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.3.2. perfective optative mood in the negative + {-şa}
hini var-idanşa (PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ) as long as they do not go
~ hentere var-idanşa (FN)
~ hemtepe var-idanşa (AH)
~ entepe var-idanşa (HP)(ÇX)
● This formula can express also disapproval of inaction.
Hentere var-idanşa var-iven. (FN) It is not good if they do not go.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.4. perfective optative mood + {-sis/-is}, {-si/-i}, {-(y)iz}, {-şi}
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
13.4.5.5.4.1. In the affirmative
“when I go ; when I shall go” etc
subject |
PZ |
ÇM, AŞ |
FN |
AH, HP, ÇX |
1. sg. |
vidasis |
vidasi ~ bidasi |
bida(y)iz |
bidaşi ~ vidaşi |
2. sg. |
idasis |
idasi |
ida(y)iz |
idaşi |
3. sg. |
idasis |
idasi |
ida(y)iz |
idaşi |
1. pl. |
vidatis |
vidati ~ bidati |
bidatiz |
bidatşi ~ vidatşi |
2. pl. |
idatis |
idati |
idatiz |
idatşi |
3. pl. |
idanis |
idani |
idaniz |
idanşi |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
13.4.5.5.4.2. In the negative (FN)(AH)(HP)(ÇX)
In central and eastern dialects (including those of Fındıklı), converb of the formation {perfective optative mood in the negative + -şi} can have two meanings according to the context.
heya var-idaşi (FN)(AH)(HP-P’eronit)
Eya var-idaşi (HP)
İya var-idaşi (HP)(ÇX)
1. as he does not go ; 2. (it is wrong) if he does not go
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.5. perfective optative mood in the affirmative +
{şk’ule/ şuk’ule/ şik’ule/ şkul/ şkule/ k’ule}
him mendaxt’a şk’ule (PZ) after he went
~ him mendaxt’a şuk’ule (ÇM)
~ him mendaxt’a şik’ule (AŞ-Jilen Mzğem)
~ heya mendaxta şkule (FN)(AH)
~ heya mendaxta şkul (AH-Jin Napşit)
~ eya mendaxta şkule (HP)
~ iya mindaxtaşi k’ule / (ÇX)
iya mindaxtayi k’ule
● The ending of optative mood in the 3rd person singular is {-as ~ -az}. But the phonemes /s/ and /z/ disappear regularly before /ş/.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.5.5.6. (ÇM)(AŞ)(FN) perfective optative mood in the affirmative +{var}/{do var}
moxt’ay var, (ÇM) as soon as he comes
moxt’ay do var, (AŞ)
moxtas var, (FN)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.6. Future tense
13.4.6.1. Basic forms
13.4.6.2. Future-in-the-past tense
13.4.6.3. Adverbial clause (ÇM)(AŞ)
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.6.1. Basic forms
The formation of future tenses ( future and future-in-the-past) of actional verbs is quite parallel to that of verb of existence, stative verbs and evolutional verbs.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[A] doxedun « he sits down » actional Aø verb
■ All forms in the tables below are accented on the initial syllable. Besides, the syllable containing the optative mood marker {-a-} is long and accented.
« I shall sit down » etc
subject |
PZ west・centre |
ÇM |
PZ east, AŞ, FN |
1.sg. |
dopxedare |
dopxedar |
dopxedare |
2.sg. |
doxedare |
doxedar |
doxedare |
3.sg. |
doxedasere |
doxedasen |
doxedasen |
1.pl. |
dopxedatere |
dopxedaten |
dopxedaten |
2.pl. |
doxedatere |
doxedaten |
doxedaten |
3.pl. |
doxedanere ~ doxedanene |
doxedanen |
doxedanen |
subject |
AH-Jin-Napşit |
AH centre |
HP-Mxigi |
1.sg. |
dopxedar |
dopxedare |
dopxedaminon |
2.sg. |
doxedar |
doxedare |
doxedaginon |
3.sg. |
doxedasen |
doxedasen |
doxedasunon |
1.pl. |
dopxedaten |
dopxedaten |
dopxedatminonan |
2.pl. |
doxedaten |
doxedaten |
doxedatginonan |
3.pl. |
doxedanon |
doxedanoren |
doxedasunonan |
subject |
HP-Makreal |
HP-Sarp |
ÇX |
1.sg. |
dopxedaminon |
dopxedaminon |
dopxedaun ~ dopxedaunon |
2.sg. |
doxedaginon |
doxedaginon |
doxedaun ~ doxedaunon |
3.sg. |
doxedasinon |
doxedasiyon |
doxedasun ~ doxedasunon |
1.pl. |
dopxedaminonan |
dopxedaminonan |
dopxedatun ~ dopxedatunon |
2.pl. |
doxedaginonan |
doxedaginonan |
doxedatun ~ doxedatunon |
3.pl. |
doxedasinonan |
doxedasiyonan |
doxedanun ~ doxedanunon |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[B] mç’ims (PZ-HP), mç’vips (ÇX) « it rains »
Mç’ima mç’imasere. (PZ) It will rain.
~ Mç’ima mç’imasen. (ÇM-AH)
~ Mç’ima mç’imasunon. (HP-Mxigi)
~ Mç’ima mç’imasinon. (HP-Makreal)
~ Mç’ima mç’imasiyon. (HP-Sarp)
~ Mç’vima mç’vimasun. (ÇX)
~ Mç’vima mç’vasun. (***) (ÇX)
(***) In certain localities in Çxala, the stem of this verb is {mç’v-}. It is very rare that the post-stem has the form {-im/-ip}. In all other dialects, the stem of this verb is {mç’im-}.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.6.2. Future-in-the-past tense
● (AH) There is no specific form of future-in-the-past in the dialects of Arhavi where
the imperfective past tense of actional verbs (ex. dopxedurt’u) expresses also the
future-in-the-past.
doxedun « he sits down » Aø actional verb
■ All forms in the tables below are accented on the initial syllable. Besides, the syllable containing the optative mood marker {-a-} is long and accented.
« I was going to sit down »
subject |
PZ, ÇM, AŞ |
FN-Ç’anapet |
FN-Sumla |
1.sg. |
dopxedart’u |
dopxedat’t’i |
dopxedat’i |
2.sg. |
doxedart’u |
doxedat’t’i |
doxedat’i |
3.sg. |
doxedasert’u |
doxedastun |
doxedat’u |
1.pl. |
dopxedatert’u |
dopxedat’t’it |
dopxedat’it |
2.pl. |
doxedatert’u |
doxedat’t’it |
doxedat’it |
3.pl. |
doxedanert’u |
doxedat’t’ez |
doxedat’ez |
subject |
AH |
HP-Mxigi |
HP-Makreal |
ÇX |
1.sg. |
|
dopxedamint’u |
dopxedamint’u |
dopxedaunt’u |
2.sg. |
|
doxedagint’u |
doxedagint’u |
doxedaunt’u |
3.sg. |
|
doxedasunt’u |
doxedasint’u |
doxedasunt’u |
1.pl. |
|
dopxedatmint’es |
dopxedamint’es |
dopxedatunt’es |
2.pl. |
|
doxedatgint’es |
doxedagint’es |
doxedatunt’es |
3.pl. |
|
doxedasunt’es |
doxedasint’es |
doxedanunt’es |
● (FN) In the dialects spoken in the villages of Ç’anapet, Manaster, Andravat, Ç’urç’ava etc in Fındıklı, the ending {-tun} of the 3rd person singular form doxedastun is irregular. If it is normal in Laz that the phoneme /t’/ loses its ejectivity after /s/, the presence of epithetical consonant /n/ remains enigmatic.
● (FN) The future-in-the-past of the dialects spoken in the villages of Sumla, Ç’ennet etc in Fındıklı is homophonous with the « votive mood without {-k’o}» of Arhavi dialects.
______________________________________________________________________
13.4.6.3. Adverbial clause (ÇM)(AŞ)
Formation : p’ri + future tense (basic form)
p’ri vincirare (AŞ-Jilen Mzğem) shortly before I go in bed
● See adverbial clause of the same meaning (→ 13.4.5.5.2.).
______________________________________________________________________
13.5. Actional verb II : Potential mood
13.5.1. Imperfective present tense
13.5.2. Imperfective past tense
13.5.3. Converb in the imperfective optative mood
13.5.4. Simple perfective
13.5.5. Perfective optative mood
13.5.6. Future tense
The potential mood expresses following nuances :
1. Capacity or right :
« he can »
« he may »
« he has right to do »
2. Lack of will :
« he does by mistake »
« he does reluctantly »
« he does with guilty conscience »
● Verbs in the potential mood governs obligatorily the subject in the dative case. The dative complement is not explicit. Its conjugation is monopersonal.
● Markers of different complex forms (auditive, pluperfect, prohibito-optative, votive, converbs, adverbial clauses) are identical with what are used in the indicative mood. The formation of future-in-the-past is parallel in both moods. There are no imperative or prohibitive moods in the potential.
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.1. Potential mood : Imperfective present tense
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {a-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] fused ending (*) {-en},{-eran/-enan} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of imperfective aspect, person, number and the present tense
● The formation of some stative verbs and most of evolutional verbs is identical with that of actional verbs in the potential mood. They govern the same construction of sentence.
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.1.1. Conjugation
Conjugation in the potential mood imperfective present tense of the verbs t’axums (he breaks), ulun (he goes) and mulun (he comes).
« he can break » « he breaks by mistake » etc
« he can go » « he goes reluctantly » etc
« he can come » « he comes reluctantly » etc
subject |
t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups |
ulun |
mulun |
1.sg. |
mat’axen |
malen |
momalen |
2.sg. |
gat’axen |
galen |
mogalen |
3.sg. |
at’axen |
alen |
mvalen ~ malen |
1.pl. |
mat’axeran ~ mat’axenan |
maleran ~ malenan |
momaleran ~ momalenan |
2.pl. |
gat’axeran ~ gat’axenan |
galeran ~ galenan |
mogaleran ~ mogalenan |
3.pl. |
at’axeran ~ at’axenan |
aleran ~ alenan |
mvaleran ~ malenan |
● When the subject is in the plural, the ending is {-eran} in Pazar and Çamlıhemşin ; {-enan} - or sometimes {-ernan} - everywhere else.
● Before /a/, the preverb {mo-} takes the form of {mv-}in Pazar and Çamlıhemşin ; {m-} in Ardeşen, Fındıklı, Arhavi and Hopa ; {mv-} or {m-} à Çxala.
In the dialects where the potential mood 1st person of the verb ulun and the potential mood 3rd person of the verb mulun are homophonous, it is possible to avoid the confusion by using affirmation profixes as follows.
(ulun) mendemalen I can go
mendegalen you can go
mendalen he can go
(mulun) komomalen I can come
komogalen you can come
komalen he can come
●●● (ÇX) In the dialects of Çxala, « he can come » is traduced according to the area by mvalen ~ homvalen ~ komvalen or malen ~ hommalen ~ kommalen. We establish here two regional specificities : 1° the affirmation profix has the variant {ho-}; 2° the preverb {mo-} has two variants before /a/, {mv-} and {mm-}.
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.1.2. Verbs having different stems according to the moods
Verbes having the pre-stem vowel {a-} and the multifunctional marker {-en} have generally no potential mood. Some verbs are exceptions to this rule. They have different stems according to the moods : the stem of potentiel mood is formed by the morpheme {-in-} suffixed to the stem of indicative mood.
indicative mood |
potential mood |
|
« he squats down » |
« he can squat down » or « he crouches » |
|
West |
camxven |
camxvinen |
Centre・East |
gyamxven |
gyamxvinen |
(FN-Sumla) |
gyanç’en |
gyanç’inen |
Some verbs, which have the pre-stem other than {a-} and the multifunctional ending other than {-en}, may have also different stems according to the moods with the morpheme {-in-}.
indicative mood |
potentiel mood |
|
« he weeps » |
« he can weep » or « he cannot keep back his tears » |
|
(PZ) + (FN)(AH) + (ÇX) |
ibgars |
abgarinen |
(ÇM)(AŞ) |
ibgay |
abgarinen |
(HP) |
imgars |
amgarinen |
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.2. Potentel mood : Imperfective past tense
subject |
t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups |
ulun |
1.sg |
mat’axert’u ~ mat’axe(r)t’u |
malert’u ~ male(r)t’u |
2.sg |
gat’axert’u ~ gat’axe(r)t’u |
galert’u ~ gale(r)t’u |
3.sg |
at’axert’u ~ at’axe(r)t’u |
alert’u ~ ale(r)t’u |
1.pl |
mat’axert’es ~ mat’axert’ey ~ mat’axe(r)t’ez |
malert’es ~ malert’ey ~ male(r)t’ez |
2.pl |
gat’axert’es ~ gat’axert’ey ~ gat’axe(r)t’ez |
galert’es ~ galert’ey ~ gale(r)t’ez |
3.pl |
at’axert’es ~ at’axert’ey ~ at’axe(r)t’ez |
alert’es ~ alert’ey ~ ale(r)t’ez |
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.3. Potential mood : Converbs in the imperfective optative
Converbs in the potential mood imperfective optative of ulun « he goes »
« when he can go »
subject |
(PZ)(ÇM)(AŞ)(FN) |
(AH-Pilarget) |
(AH)(H)(ÇX) |
1.sg. |
malert’aşa ~ malet’aşa |
malert’a şkul |
male(r)t’aşi |
2.sg. |
galert’aşa ~ galet’aşa |
galert’a şkul |
gale(r)t’aşi |
3.sg. |
alert’aşa ~ alet’aşa |
alert’a şkul |
ale(r)t’aşi |
1.pl. |
malert’anşa ~ malet’anşa |
malert’an şkul |
male(r)t’anşi |
2.pl. |
galert’anşa ~ galet’anşa |
galert’an şkul |
gale(r)t’anşi |
3.pl. |
alert’anşa ~ alet’anşa |
alert’an şkul |
ale(r)t’anşi |
● The formation of these converbs makes think that, logically, they should be always followed by main clause in the present or future tenses. But we observe that they are also followed by main clause in the past tense in certain areas (as equivalent of converbs in the imperfective past tense like malert’uşa). Further researches are necessary on this matter.
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.4. Potential mood : Simple perfective
Formation : (out of affirmation profix and negation marker)
[1] preverb {ø-}{me-}{mo-}{go-} etc (→ 11.7., 19.)
[2] anteposed person marker II {m-}{g-}{ø-} (→ 11.3.1.2.)
[3] pre-stem {a-} (→ 11.6.)
[4] stem (→ 11.1.)
[5] fused ending (*) {-u},{-es/-ey/-ez} (→ 11.3., 11.4.)
(*) marker of person, number and the past tense
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.4.1. Conjugation
Potential in the simple perfective of t’axums (he breaks) and mek’vatums (he cuts)
« I could break/ I broke by mistake » etc « I could cut/ I cut by mistake » etc
subj. |
t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups |
mek’vatums ~ mek’vatuy ~ mek’vatups |
1.sg. |
mat’axu |
memak’vatu |
2.sg. |
gat’axu |
megak’vatu |
3.sg. |
at’axu |
nak’vatu |
1.pl. |
mat’axes ~ mat’axey ~ mat’axez |
memak’vates ~ memak’vatey ~ memak’vatez |
2.pl. |
gat’axes ~ gat’axey ~ gat’axez |
megak’vates ~ megak’vatey ~ megak’vatez |
3.pl. |
at’axes ~ at’axey ~ at’axez |
nak’vates ~ nak’vaty ~ nak’vatez |
● potential mood of the EA actional verb mek’vatums = nak’vaten
« cut something by mistake »
(Ma) xe memak’vatu. I have cut my hand by mistake.
● Cf. Eø/EA actional verb k’vatums « 1. Eø be sharp, keen ; 2. EA cut »
● Cf. EDA actional verb nuk’vatams (→ 12.5.13.4.)
1. cut what belongs to someone else
2. cut in place of someone else
______________________________________________________________________
13.5.5. Potential mood : Perfective optative
Table of conjugation in the potential mood perfective optative of the t’axums (he breaks) and meçams (he gives).
« I wish I can break » etc « I wish I give » etc
subject |
t’axums ~ t’axuy ~ t’axups |
meçams ~ meçay |
1.sg. |
mat’axas ~ mat’axay ~ mat’axaz |
memaças ~ memaçay ~ memaçaz |
2.sg. |
gat’axas ~ gat’axay ~ gat’axaz |
megaças ~ megaçay ~ megaçaz |
3.sg. |
at’axas ~ at’axay ~ at’axaz |
naças ~ naçay ~ naçaz |
1.pl. |
mat’axan |
memaçan |
2.pl. |
gat’axan |
megaçan |
3.pl. |
at’axan |
naçan |
● (ÇM)(AŞ) There is, in the dialects of Çamlıhemşin and Ardeşen, a phrase that expresses flat refusal concerning an action in the future.
Formation : (ÇM) {vato} + potential in the perfective optative
(AŞ) {vat’o} + potential in the perfective optative
Him a p’ot’e domaç’irt’asen, vato memaçay. (ÇM-Ğvant) (1)
Him a p’ot’e domaç’ç’irt’asen, vat’o memaçay. (AŞ-Ok’ordule) (2)
« It will be necessary for me one day ; I cannot give it to you. »
(1) < Seçkin Yeniçırak
(2) < Tahsin Ocaklı
_____________________________________________________________________________
13.5.6. Potential mood : Future tense
Table of conjugation in the potential mood future tense of the verb t’axums (he breaks):
« I shall be able to break » etc or « I shall break by mistake » etc
subject |
PZ west・centre |
PZ east, ÇM, AŞ, FN |
1.sg. |
mat’axasere |
mat’axasen |
2.sg. |
gat’axasere |
gat’axasen |
3.sg. |
at’axasere |
at’axasen |
1.pl. |
mat’axanere ~ mat’axanene |
mat’axanen |
2.pl. |
gat’axanere ~ gat’axanene |
gat’axanen |
3.pl. |
at’axanere ~ at’axanene |
at’axanen |
subject |
AH-Jin-Napşit |
AH centre |
HP-Mxigi |
1.sg. |
mat’axasen |
mat’axasen |
mat’axasunon |
2.sg. |
gat’axasen |
gat’axasen |
gat’axasunon |
3.sg. |
at’axasen |
at’axasen |
at’axasunon |
1.pl. |
mat’axanon |
mat’xanoren |
mat’axasunonan |
2.pl. |
gat’axanon |
gat’axanoren |
gat’axasunonan |
3.pl. |
at’axanon |
at’axanoren |
at’axasunonan |
subject |
HP-Makreal |
HP-Sarp |
ÇX |
1.sg. |
mat’axasinon |
mat’axasiyon |
mat’axasun ~ mat’axasunon |
2.sg. |
gat’axasinon |
gat’axasiyon |
gat’axasun ~ gat’axasunon |
3.sg. |
at’axasinon |
at’axasiyon |
at’axasun ~ at’axasunon |
1.pl. |
mat’axasinonan |
mat’axasiyonan |
mat’axanun ~ mat’axanunon |
2.pl. |
gat’axasinonan |
gat’axasiyonan |
gat’axanun ~ gat’axanunon |
3.pl. |
at’axasinonan |
at’axasiyonan |
at’axanun ~ at’axanunon |